Pascal’s Wager and Ethics

Pascal’s Wager is an argument proposed by the French philosopher and mathematician Blaise Pascal in his posthumously published work Pensées (1670).

Pascal proposed the wager as a method of helping a person torn between belief and unbelief in God when they don’t feel able to settle the question based on evidence.

As such, the wager is not an evidential or “cognitive” argument for belief in God. It is an example of practical or “non-cognitive” reasoning.

In essence, Pascal seeks to show that—whether or not God exists—it is in the interests of a person who is unable to decide between these options to go ahead and believe.

It thus offers practical reasons to believe rather than new evidence to believe.

I won’t go into the details of Pascal’s Wager, because I’ve written about it elsewhere (for example, here).

However, the wager relies on insights that can be useful in other situations, and I’d like to explore some of those here.

 

Context

First, we need to understand the context in which the wager was proposed and what its limitations are.

We’ve already mentioned that it is not designed to give new evidence. That’s the point of the wager. It’s meant to help someone who has reviewed the evidence and still feels unable to decide.

As a result, the wager turns to look at matters besides evidence—that is, what is in the person’s interest.

There is nothing wrong with interest-based, practical reason. Humans constantly make prudential judgments about what to do based on their interests: Is it in my interest to take this job or that? To marry this person or that? To watch this movie or that?

Making decisions that maximize our interests is a fundamental part of the human experience. Such reasoning is built into us.

 

An Objection: Proportion to Evidence

Some question whether it is legitimate to apply practical reason to matters of belief.

Some have claimed that we have a moral duty to proportion our beliefs strictly to the evidence we have supporting them.

It is difficult to know what advocates of this claim are envisioning, because this is not how humans work. We do not constantly review our beliefs and assign numerical probabilities to them.

Much less do we proportion the beliefs themselves, so that we would say, “I 75% believe this, but I 25% disbelieve it.”

Beliefs are binary. In the typical human experience, we either believe something or we don’t.

We may have different degrees of confidence about our belief, but the belief itself is either there or it isn’t.

 

How Things Work in Science

It is readily admitted by scientists that the results of science are always provisional.

No matter how much evidence has been accumulated for a scientific theory, it’s always possible that new evidence will emerge that indicates the theory must be modified or rejected in favor of a better one.

But that doesn’t stop scientists from believing particular scientific claims.

Based on the evidence so far accumulated, they accept—let’s say—the existence of electrons. They believe in them, and then they proceed about their business on the premise that electrons exist, without doubting this.

If someone asks them how sure they are that electrons exist, they may stop and mentally review the evidence and say something like, “Well, the results of science are always provisional, so I can’t say with infallible certainty that they do. But the evidence is so strong that I can’t imagine a scenario where sufficient evidence would emerge to overturn their existence. So, I believe that electrons do exist, and I don’t worry about the tiny chance that they don’t.”

In saying something like this, a scientist would be acknowledging that:

    1. There is always a gap between the evidence at hand and total certainty, and
    2. That this gap is sufficiently small that the scientist doesn’t worry about it.

In other words, the scientist has made a leap of faith to overcome the evidential gap. He then adopts the belief that electrons exist, and he doesn’t deem it worthwhile to worry about the possibility that he is wrong unless something happens to cause him to reflect on the question.

 

Everyday Life

Such leaps of scientific faith are omnipresent in the sciences, but the same applies in all areas of human life.

For example, most people believe that their spouses are not secretly trying to kill them. The evidence for this proposition is significantly less than the evidence for the existence of electrons.

In fact—among a population of billions—any number of people do try to kill their spouses. But—absent evidence that this is the case in a particular instance—the odds are so low that it is not worth worrying about.

People thus accumulate a certain amount of evidence—e.g., that someone loves them and will not kill them—they adopt the belief, “I am safe with this person,” they marry them, and then they don’t worry about it until significant evidence emerges to the contrary.

This is simply how human belief works.

And so, the idea that we should proportion our belief to the evidence does not describe the human experience.

Instead, we see enough evidence that we deem it rational to adopt a belief, we adopt it, and then we don’t worry about the chance we are wrong until something happens that causes us to question the belief.

In other words, we make a leap of faith to overcome the gap between the evidence we have and the position of belief (i.e., acceptance of a proposition without worrying about it) that we need to achieve in order to move on with life.

 

Paranoia and Self-Interest

We even have a word for people who fail to do this and who continue to worry about the possibility they are wrong: We call them paranoid.

If—despite the evidence a person has that they are safe with their spouse—they continue to worry about the idea that their spouse is going to kill them, that person is paranoid, and we tell them so.

“Look,” we may say, “it is hypothetically possible that your spouse is plotting your murder. But the evidence for that is so small that you shouldn’t be worrying about it. You are only hurting yourself by doing so—and you may be dooming your marriage to failure.”

By making an argument like this, we are appealing to the person’s interests.

They are currently hurting themselves with unnecessary worry—which is contrary to their interests.

And they may in the future hurt the interests of both themselves and their spouse by dooming a marriage that can otherwise benefit both.

In appealing to them to stop worrying, we urge them to use practical reason to overcome the evidential gap between what they’ve seen and the subjective certitude they need to move on with their life on the belief that they are safe with their spouse.

In other words, we are counseling them to make a leap of faith in their own self-interest.

 

Back to Science

This is the same thing every scientist does when they make a leap of scientific faith between the evidence that electrons exist and the belief that they do—or any other scientific belief they may entertain.

At some point, it would become scientific paranoia to continue to have doubts or anxiety about the existence of electrons (or whatever).

We would thus counsel a paranoid scientist to set aside his doubts and move on—given that he lacks compelling evidence to the contrary.

Is it rational—in terms of self-interest—for the scientist to worry about the reality of electrons, or is it better to believe that they do and move on—being willing to reconsider this if contrary evidence emerges in the future?

If the scientist continues to devote time and energy to the non-existence of electrons—in spite of the current evidence—he is hurting himself and his career.

He is harming his quest for greater scientific understanding by wasting time on an exceedingly unlikely hypothesis, and also hurting society at large by denying others the discoveries he could otherwise make.

We thus counsel him to set aside his worries and make the scientific leap of faith needed to overcome the evidential gap between what experiments have shown and belief (acceptance without worry) that electrons exist.

 

Preliminary Lessons

From the preceding, I take it that there is simply a difference between the degree of confidence that the evidence alone would warrant and the belief that corresponds to this.

It is rational to make leaps of faith between the two—and it is rational to do so on practical (prudential) grounds.

At some point, the evidential chance of being wrong is low enough that it simply is not worth worrying about the idea one is wrong.

Instead, it is in one’s interest—and the interests of others—to set aside doubts and proceed on the basis of belief.

At some point, we judge it impractical to continue to worry above the evidential gap and choose to embrace a belief on practical grounds. That’s just how humans work.

I thus take it as established—at least from this point forward—that there is a difference between:

    • Whether we believe a proposition (which is binary; we either believe a proposition or we don’t), and
    • What degree of confidence we feel regarding the proposition when we review the evidence for it.

I further take it as established that:

    • It can be rational to believe a proposition even if the confidence level we feel based on the evidence is less than what would be required for infallible certainty,
    • We all do this constantly; we all wager, all the time, and
    • There is nothing wrong with this; it is how human cognition works.

This puts us in a position to consider interesting aspects of the reasoning involved in Pascal’s Wager.

 

A Limit of Pascal’s Wager

Pascal’s Wager was formulated to help a person in a specific situation—being torn between belief in the Christian God and a western form of skepticism that would involve agnosticism or materialistic atheism. As a result, it does not deal with other religious options.

Many have pointed out that there are other options, and the wager doesn’t address them. This is true, but it does not deprive the wager of its utility for those who are in this situation.

In his 1896 lecture “The Will to Believe” (later published as an essay), William James provided helpful discussion of this subject, noting that—for various people—some hypotheses are “live” while others are “dead.”

James defined a live hypothesis as “one which appeals as a real possibility to him to whom it is proposed,” whereas a dead hypothesis is one that does not strike the hearer as a real possibility.

James referred to the decision between two hypotheses as an “option” and stated:

A living option is one in which both hypotheses are live ones.

If I say to you: “Be a theosophist or be a Mohammedan,” it is probably a dead option, because for you neither hypothesis is likely to be alive.

But if I say: “Be an agnostic or be Christian,” it is otherwise: trained as you are, each hypothesis makes some appeal, however small, to your belief.

Pascal’s Wager, then, is designed to help a person for whom both Christianity and western skepticism are live hypotheses.

 

Other Wagers

However, wager-style reasoning can be applied to other situations. To cite a simple example that I’ve discussed before, one can construct a kind of “reincarnation wager.”

Suppose a person’s live option is whether to believe in reincarnation or whether to believe that this life is the only one we have.

How we spend our time has consequences—whether it is achieving goals with respect to this life or with respect to the afterlife.

Consequently, if a person feels unable to decide the issue of reincarnation based on evidence, it will be in his interest to believe the latter so as to make the most of the time he has. If it turns out he is wrong and he reincarnates, he will simply get more time to pursue his goals and “get it right.”

There also can be a similar “afterlife wager” for those who have a live option between believing that there is no afterlife and the possibility that there is an afterlife in which we experience positive or negative consequences based on what we do in this one.

If one is unable to decide this question based on evidence, it will be prudent to assume that there is such an afterlife so as to take reasonable steps to ensure a good afterlife.

If it turned out that the person were wrong and there was no afterlife, the person would not experience a negative one and would only have wasted reasonable efforts in pursuit of a good one.

 

Wagering, Materialism, and Morals

In light of the applicability of wager-style arguments to other situations, I’d like to address one involving materialism and morals.

Despite the fact we all constantly wager and adopt beliefs based partly on practical rather than evidential reasons, one of the concerns limiting the use of wager-like reasoning is a nagging anxiety people have about whether they are doing something “wrong” by adopting beliefs on these grounds.

I concede that people have a moral intuition that there needs to be some kind of relationship between belief and evidence.

For example, we have the intuition that we would be violating what philosophers call our “epistemic duties” if we chose to believe something that had a massive amount of evidence against it and no evidence for it.

This is true. However, it is not applicable to the situation that Pascal’s Wager is designed to address.

The wager is specifically intended to address a situation in which a person has considered the evidence and still feels unable to make an evidence-based decision.

Further, as William James points out, we may be forced to make a choice, for to refuse to adopt belief in a proposition is to adopt the alternative of non-belief in it. James discusses this in terms of a decision between adopting a religious view or not doing so:

[W]e see, first that religion offers itself as a momentous option. We are supposed to gain, even now, by our belief, and to lose by our nonbelief, a certain vital good.

Secondly, religion is a forced option, so far as that good goes. We cannot escape the issue by remaining sceptical and waiting for more light, because, although we do avoid error in that way if religion be untrue, we lose the good, if it be true, just as certainly as if we positively chose to disbelieve.

It is as if a man should hesitate indefinitely to ask a certain woman to marry him because he was not perfectly sure that she would prove an angel after he brought her home. Would he not cut himself off from that particular angel-possibility as decisively as if he went and married some one else?

Scepticism, then, is not avoidance of option; it is option of a certain particular kind of risk. Better risk loss of truth than chance of error—that is your faith-vetoer’s exact position. He is actively playing his stake as much as the believer is; he is backing the field against the religious hypothesis, just as the believer is backing the religious hypothesis against the field.

One thus does not escape the trap of making a choice in this situation. It is simply a choice between belief and non-belief.

And—in the absence of evidence that decides the matter—it is made on non-evidential grounds no matter which choice is made.

 

Religion vs. Scientific Materialism

The above illustrates the difficulties with the idea that it is somehow immoral—a violation of epistemic duties—to adopt a belief based partly on pragmatic rather than evidential concerns.

However, there is more that can be said about this when a particular situation is considered—that is, one like Pascal’s original situation of a person torn between Christianity and skepticism.

Today in the West, skepticism typically entails a form of materialism in which science is given a primary place (i.e., scientific materialism).

Conventional science is driven by empirical phenomena—things that can be observed and measured using the conventional senses (sight, hearing, etc.) and their technological extensions (microscopes, telescopes, spectrometers, gas chromatographs, etc.).

Science is held to be incapable of investigating non-empirical phenomena (souls, spirits, God), and so these are deemed outside the realm of science.

Indeed, for scientific materialism, it is the non-empirical quality of these entities that drives rejection of their existence in the first place.

However, it isn’t only souls, spirits, and God that are not subject to empirical investigation. It is also morality.

Moral properties like good and evil, right and wrong, cannot be detected with the senses or their technological extensions. As a result, it is difficult to see how morality could be real if scientific materialism were true.

 

Another Wager

This leads us to another wager—this time between a religious worldview and scientific materialism:

1) Suppose a person adopts a religious worldview, and it turned out that scientific materialism were right and that there are no non-empirical things.

In that case, the person would not be violating their epistemic duties because morality would be a fiction, and the person had done nothing wrong by being religious.

2) On the other hand, suppose that a person adopts a worldview of scientific materialism, and it turns out the religious worldview is correct.

On the religious worldview, morality is real, and one should be a moral person. The person then has a choice:

a) In keeping with their scientific materialism, they could reject the real existence on the grounds that it is non-empirical. In this case, they would be doing something wrong because the religious worldview is true and morality is real.

b) Or, despite their scientific materialism, they could continue to accept the real existence of morality. In this case they also would be doing something wrong, because they are violating their own principles, and violating your own principles is morally wrong.

We thus see that (1) if a person incorrectly adopts a religious viewpoint, he does nothing wrong, while (2) if he incorrectly adopts scientific materialism, he inescapably does something wrong.

Given these facts, the logical thing to do is to accept the religious worldview since—whether it is correct or not—one avoids doing something wrong.

 

Testing the Wager

One way of testing this wager is to ask, “If the religious worldview is true, could I still be doing something wrong by adopting it? Not in the sense of being religious, because we’re assuming this view is true. But perhaps by violating my epistemic duties in some way from within a religious perspective?”

At this point, we are speaking purely from within a religious perspective. We are taking it that religion is true and asking whether one can violate one’s epistemic duties and thus do something morally wrong.

The answer, of course, is yes. From a religious perspective, people of any stripe—religious or not—need to be moral people, and that includes honoring their epistemic duties.

If a person—religious or non-religious—stifles his conscience to convince himself that murder is an okay thing to do, then he is violating his epistemic duties.

So, yes, religious people can violate their epistemic duties. But what does this have to do with the question of being religious itself?

We can infer from this that one should not violate one’s epistemic duties by adopting beliefs that one should not, so don’t join a religion that teaches them.

If you have a functioning conscience, don’t become a member of the Manson Family and participate in its murder sprees. And if you have good evidence that evolution is true, don’t join a church that insists on Young Earth Creationism.

 

The Religious View in General

But how would one be violating one’s religious duties merely by adopting a religious point of view?

This returns us to the question of evidence and what relationship it has with belief adoption.

If a person thought that he had conclusive evidence against religion, then he should not adopt a religious point of view.

And if a person thought he had conclusive evidence for religion, then he should adopt it.

However, neither of these situations is what wager-style arguments are designed to address (or at least the kind that we are considering). They are for people who don’t think that they can settle the matter based on their review of the evidence.

But there is still a need to settle it, and so wagers appeal to practical reason to overcome the evidential gap—just as we do in science and in everyday life.

Given the omnipresence of pragmatic leaps of faith in every field of human endeavor—indeed, in virtually every belief we adopt except as the result of a mathematical demonstration—it is hard to see how using practical reason to overcome an evidential deadlock could be seen as violating our epistemic duties.

We use practical reason to overcome evidential gaps all the time. It is built into human nature, and so we are simply acting in accord with our nature when we do so. There is nothing wrong with this.

 

Intellectual and Moral Coherence

Further, adopting a religious perspective provides a greater degree of intellectual and moral coherence than adopting scientific materialism.

Whether or not one is religious, we have an inbuilt moral sense that tells us that we have moral duties, including the epistemic ones that the person torn between religion and materialism is concerned about.

On a materialist view, these may have an evolutionary explanation, but they do not objectively bind, and—as non-empirical—they should not be given credence.

Nevertheless—unless they are psychopaths—materialists find themselves inescapably falling back into thinking and acting as if morality is objectively real. They are as horrified by murder, bigotry, and oppression as anyone—even though their worldview would imply that there is nothing objectively wrong with any of these.

Materialists thus have a lived experience that is inconsistent with their belief system, resulting in a lack of coherence between the two.

By contrast, on the religious view, non-empirical entities are real, and this provides an intellectual framework that allows our in-built moral sense to be what we take it to be—a reflection of reality and something that is objectively binding on us.

The religious view thus provides a form of coherence between the intellectual and the moral that scientific materialism does not.

Coherence between belief and lived experience is a desirable feature of worldviews, and the religious worldview offers this regarding moral realism, whereas materialism does not.

This is one more reason—in addition to the evidential and pragmatic reasons—to prefer the religious worldview.

What Is Manifesting, and Does It Work?

There’s a pop culture buzzword you may have encountered: manifesting.

It’s discussed on social media sites and by self-help, lifestyle, and New Age gurus.

This isn’t surprising. People are always looking for ways to better their condition, and there are cultural fads in which people latch on to specific words and phrases that become “the hot new thing” for a time.

To appraise a cultural phenomenon, we need to look past trendy terms and examine the underlying substance. So, what is “manifesting”?

The current use of the term is too new to appear in standard dictionaries, but Wikipedia says manifestation refers to “self-help strategies intended to bring about a personal goal, primarily by focusing one’s thoughts upon the desired outcome. . . . While the process involves positive thinking, or even directing requests to ‘the universe,’ it also involves action-steps on the part of the individual.”

An article on Vox.com cites the following as examples:

On TikTok, teenagers share stories about how “scripting,” or repeatedly writing down a wish, caused a crush to finally text them back. On YouTube, vloggers lead tutorials on how to properly manifest your dream future. On Instagram, someone will write that $20,000 will soon land in your hands, and all you have to do is comment “YES.” On Twitter, [extreme fans] will, ironically or not, attempt to manifest the release of a new Lorde album.

It’s easy to see these examples as superstitious. Superstition involves attributing too much efficacy to something.

Attributing too much efficacy to a remedy (“Eat this one superfood and you’ll lose your excess weight!”) is a form of scientific superstition. Attributing too much efficacy to a prayer (“Say this prayer three times; it never fails!”) is a form of religious superstition (CCC 2111).

“Just comment ‘YES’ and you’ll get $20,000” and “Write down your wish repeatedly and the boy you like will text you back” easily can be regarded as superstitious.

However, if it was obvious that attempts at manifesting a particular outcome never work, the practice would not be trendy. Even if most attempts to manifest fail, there needs to be enough plausibility and enough success for people to retain interest in the practice.

How might we explain that? We need to consider two kinds of causes that might produce success: normal and paranormal ones.

Random chance is an obvious possible natural cause. Maybe your boyfriend was going to text you back anyway, and he just happened to do so shortly after you tried to manifest this, lending plausibility to the idea that your manifesting efforts were the cause.

However, just because one thing happens after another doesn’t mean that was its cause. In logic, that idea is known as the post hoc ergo proper hoc fallacy (Latin, “After this, therefore because of this”). Or, as they say in scientific circles, “Correlation is not causation.”

Natural causes also can relate to manifesting in other ways. If you decide—with respect to a goal—that you’re going to think positive and act positive, that can help you achieve the goal.

Thinking and acting positively can make you more likable, and that can open doors and help remove obstacles. Similarly, self-confident action toward a goal can help you become “the little engine that could” in achieving it.

What about the paranormal aspects of manifesting? Here we need to differentiate more carefully than practitioners of manifestation may commonly do. What does it mean to ask “the universe” to manifest some desired goal?

It could mean that there are aspects of the universe and human nature that allow a human being to increase the likelihood of something happening by “positive thinking” or willing it to happen.

If humans have an ability to influence things in the world just by thinking about or willing them, then this would be a natural ability (i.e., one built into human nature), but it is not an ability recognized by mainstream science, making it some kind of psychic ability. In parapsychological terms, it would be classified either as a form of remote influencing or as a form of psychokinesis (mind over matter).

On the other hand, someone practicing manifestation may also be open to God or some other spirit taking a hand in helping them achieve their goal. In this case, the effect would be supernatural since it would be above (Latin, super) what human nature is capable of doing.

Could psychic functioning be involved in cases of manifestation? A knowledge of the history of Catholic thought on this subject would not rule out the possibility.

Doctors of the Church like St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas held that God built weak abilities into human nature that today we would call psychic.

For example, both Augustine and Aquinas believed in precognition (Aquinas called it “natural prophecy,” to distinguish it from the supernatural prophecy God gives; see Disputed Questions on Truth 12:3).

More to the point, Aquinas believed that “when a soul is vehemently moved to wickedness,” it can physically harm another person. This was his explanation for the evil eye (ST I:117:3 ad 2; II-II:96:3 ad 1).

Aquinas didn’t discuss the reverse of this (i.e., could a soul vehemently moved by love physically help a person, such as healing them), but he’s talking about psychokinesis.

More recent Catholic authors—such as Fr. Alois Wiesinger (1885-1955)—have suggested that what today are considered psychic powers are the remnants of the “preternatural gifts” Adam and Eve enjoyed before the fall.

This is not to say that psychic functioning exists. It is simply to say that Catholic tradition has recognized its possible existence, and so the matter would need to be considered and the evidence for and against it evaluated.

When it comes to supernatural causation, this could play a role. Suppose a person is suffering in a terrible situation and uses manifestation to cry out for help, being open to God’s help. In this case, their efforts would be a kind of implicit, confused prayer.

Fortunately, God loves us even when we’re confused and aren’t thinking clearly about him. As a result, God might have mercy on such a person and intervene. God “sends rain on the just and the unjust” (Matt. 5:45).

However, there also is danger. Suppose a person is trying to manifest a sexual encounter outside of marriage with someone they’re attracted to. God isn’t going to help them with that, because the goal is evil. However, a demon might intervene to foster the parties’ temptations.

This leads us to the two fundamental problems with manifesting. First, there is a tremendous risk here of superstition—of attributing way more efficacy to it than is warranted—and second, it isn’t clearly thought out and doesn’t make the needed distinctions.

In other words, thinking positively, having goals, and taking concrete steps toward them are good. But don’t attribute too much efficacy to these things. And if you’re going to invoke superhuman powers, make sure you’re talking specifically to God (or his angels or saints), that you’re pursuing a morally licit goal, and that the result is dependent on God’s will rather than your efforts.

Pascal’s Wager: Eternal Gamble

Suppose that you have a friend who was raised Catholic (or at least Christian) but is now having doubts about whether God exists. You’ve given him a number of books about evidence for the Christian faith, but they haven’t really clicked for him. On the other hand, neither have arguments against Christianity. He feels torn between belief and unbelief, unable to resolve whether to be a Christian or an agnostic.

Your strategy of giving him more evidence doesn’t seem to be what he needs, so you wonder: Is there something else you can do, some way of helping him break out of his dilemma?

According to one of the most important apologists in the last 500 years, there is.

Short Life, Sharp Mind

Blaise Pascal (1623–1662) was a French mathematician who, in the most improbable manner, became the greatest apologist of his day. A child prodigy in mathematics, he wrote a number of brilliant papers solving mathematical problems. He became a follower of Jansenism, a seventeenth-century heresy that held, among other things, that Christ died not for all men but only for those who will be finally saved. When he was 23 years old, Pascal fell away from the rigors of the heresy and spent a number of years living a worldly life.

At 31, he experienced a profound mystical experience that convinced him to retire from the world. He ended up withdrawing to Port-Royal, a Benedictine abbey that was a hotbed of the Jansenist heresy. From there Pascal composed two major works, his Provincial Letters, which attacked and satirized the Jesuits, and his Pensées.

The Pensées (French, thoughts) were a collection of notes for Apologie de la Religion Chrétienne (Apology for the Christian Religion) that Pascal planned to write. He never got the chance. A malignant growth in his stomach spread to his brain, and he died August 19, 1662, at the age of 39. His notes for this unwritten work were published posthumously and, despite the fact that many are mere scraps that give little insight into what he was thinking, some are of such quality that they have made Pascal one of the most famous apologists in history.

Many of the Pensées are notes about traditional apologetic arguments, like fulfilled prophecy and miracles. But the most famous is a piece called Infinite—Nothing(no. 233), and it gave the world a distinctly non traditional argument now known as Pascal’s Wager.

This note represents Pascal at his most frustrating. He has a Major Insight, but he can’t figure out how to express it clearly or simply, so he makes several stabs at getting the idea down. The original piece of paper containing the note is a mess, with writing going in several directions, lots erasures, and corrections.

Because of the mess, it is notoriously difficult to summarize the Wager. Pascal gives at least three different versions of the same general argument, and philosophers have been driven nuts trying to give a precise account of what he was saying.

What They Did for Fun Before Television

To understand the Wager, one needs to understand a principle element in its development: gambling. Since seventeenth-century France didn’t have television, the Internet, or paintball, gambling was a major pastime. So major, in fact, that it helped push back the boundaries of mathematical knowledge. People wanted better ways of knowing which bets were safe and which weren’t. As a result, the foundations of game theory and probability calculus were laid. Pascal helped in this effort.

He realized was that game theory provides a means of practical decision making about important matters—i.e., money—when a person is uncertain of the outcome. The brilliant insight that lies behind the Wager is that some.aspects of this theory can be applied to other, similar matters about which one is uncertain. One such matter is religion.

Pascal realized that this reasoning might appeal to dissolute French gamblers in a way that traditional apologetics did not. In his day, an awful lot of Frenchmen had been raised Catholic but were tempted by agnosticism. Many, unreachable by traditional apologetics, seemed stuck between belief and unbelief. Pascal sought to reach them by taking one of their favorite pastimes and turning it in a spiritual direction.

You Bet Your Life!

Here’s one way of stating the Wager: Assume that you are torn between belief and non-belief in God based on the evidence. You have to pick one or the other, because belief and non-belief are opposites. Anything other than belief in God is, by definition, non-belief (typically agnosticism or atheism, if you were a seventeenth-century European).

If you are forced to choose between belief and non-belief and can’t decide based on the evidence, how can you resolve the situation? Pascal suggests that you look to your interests, just as you would in an uncertain situation where you had to take one bet or another.

So which is it? Belief or non-belief in God?

Since the options that Pascal is considering are (essentially) Catholicism and agnosticism, it is fairly easy to lay out how belief and non-belief affect your interests. Concerning happiness, he writes, “Let us weigh the gain and the loss in wagering that God is. . . . If you gain, you gain all; if you lose, you lose nothing. Wager, then, without hesitation that he is.”

In other words, if you embrace belief in God and you are right, you get an eternity of happiness in heaven; if you are wrong you lose nothing, since you go to the oblivion that awaits you anyway if there is no God and no afterlife. Since the first option maximizes your interests, you should choose to embrace belief.

You have probably heard the flipside of this argument: If you choose not to believe in God and you are wrong, you get an eternity of agony in hell; if you choose not to believe in him and you’re right, you get oblivion again. Since you can avoid hell if God does exist but can’t avoid oblivion if he doesn’t, then once again you should embrace belief.

The “hell” version is probably the most common way of putting the argument, though Pascal himself doesn’t explore that side of it. I suspect it is more popular because, for most of us (given our sense of sin), the thought of unending pain is more of a motivator than the thought of unending bliss.

Let the Objections Begin

People have made objections to every argument for why you should believe in God, and you can bet that an argument as nontraditional as Pascal’s Wager has been subjected to a large number of objections. Some of these Pascal himself anticipated and provided answers for in the Infinite—Nothing note. Others he could not easily have foreseen.

Part of the problem is that we are working from an unpublished note he wrote to remind himself of the general lines along which he wanted to flesh out his argument. It wasn’t intended to be a fully developed, publishable version of the Wager.

Thus one has to work with Pascal to tease out the insight he is trying to express. I must confess to some occupational sympathy for him. As an apologist, I would be uncomfortable with the idea of people rummaging through my hard drives after my death and publishing my raw, unedited notes for books I had been thinking about writing. Should they do so, I at least would want the notes to be read in the most charitable light possible, since I didn’t get the chance to fine-tune my half-articulated arguments.

Certainly Pascal was on to something. The Wager has become one of the most famous arguments—or, more precisely, argument styles —for why a person should believe in God. It has provided comfort to a lot of people doubting the existence of God. With that in mind, let’s look at some of the most popular objections to the Wager.

The Many Religions Objection

Probably the most popular objection today is one that Pascal could not have anticipated. Unlike French people in the 1600s, we live in a world in which we are acutely aware of the variety of religious options. It is no longer a choice simply between Catholicism and agnosticism or—put more broadly—a choice between Western theism and atheistic agnosticism. Consequently, many people object to the Wager on the grounds that it doesn’t address other religious positions.

True. But to demand this of the Wager is to press it beyond the bounds Pascal intended. It was never meant as a decision procedure for deciding between all religious options, only between two.

Kept in its intended role, it (or some version of it) is a useful tool. In the nineteenth century, the philosopher William James wrote an excellent piece on Pascal’s Wager titled “The Will to Believe” (you can find it on the Internet). He points out that at any given moment we are only drawn toward certain options. He calls them “live options.” If belief in the God of the Bible and atheist-leaning skepticism are your two live options at the moment, then the Wager can help.

The Evil God Objection

Sometimes people argue, “What if God exists, but he will send people to hell if they believe in him—or, at least, if they believe in him purely because of the Wager? In that case, it wouldn’t be in your interest to believe in him.”

True, but do we have any reason to think that this is the case? The world doesn’t seem to be pragmatically perverse, such that seeking our good normally results in the opposite. As long as I don’t have any evidence that such an evil, damn-my-believers God exists, believing in him isn’t a live option for me. I’m not tempted to believe in such a God, and the Wager is only meant to help me decide between things I am tempted to believe. Again, the argument is being pressed beyond its role by adding another religious option.

The Evidence Objection

Many people note that Pascal’s Wager is a pragmatic argument rather than an evidential one: It does not argue that God exists, it argues that you should believe that God exists. Those who voice this objection maintain one should not believe anything without sufficient evidence for it. Since Pascal’s Wager gives us no evidence that God exists, one shouldn’t believe on its basis.

In “The Will to Believe,” James points out that there is a problem with the evidence rule, at least as Pascal’s critics are advancing it. If you really are in a situation where based on the evidence you can’t decide between believing and not believing something, then you have to make the decision based on something else. You have to make it because there are no other alternatives besides believing or not believing something, and you can’t decide based on evidence because of the situation you’re in.

At such times, James argues, one must make the decision based on something else, and the typical thing we use is what he calls our “passional nature,” which includes the desire to promote our own good.

If I am on my deathbed and can’t wait for more evidence to tip the scales—or if I am at any other point where I need to move on and think about something else—it is appropriate for me to embrace belief on the grounds that I want to go to heaven.

I would take matters a step further and argue that our passional nature’s desire for good does constitute a form of evidence. Our passions—our desire to eat, to sleep, to move around, to flee danger—are oriented toward our good. Given the way of the world, if we never ate, slept, moved around, or fled danger, we’d die. Thus our passions tell us something about the way the world is. They are a kind of indirect evidence about it.

Given that, and in the absence of decisive evidence to the contrary (like reason to think that there is an evil God who damns his believers), there is no reason not to trust my desire to go to heaven when it tells me to seek God. In the same way, there is no reason not to trust my desire to eat when it tells me to seek food. The presumption is that both passions are oriented to my good unless proven otherwise. And they both provide indirect evidence about the world I live in: One where both God and food exist.

This covers the situation envisioned by Pascal’s first presentation of the Wager, where someone feels the evidence for God and against God is even. What about the other form we looked at, where someone feels the evidence is against God’s existence?

Here the evidence objection has more plausibility. There is a better case to be made that one should stick to the evidence and ignore game theory considerations when the evidence strongly points to one bet rather than another.

Let’s suppose that the objection succeeds to the point of showing that it is not rational to believe in God for any non-zero chance that he exists. It may be possible to revise the Wager in such a way that it is still serviceable.

Mr. Spock might go around calculating the mathematical probability that the God of the Bible exists, but ordinary people don’t. Instead, they develop a “gut feel” for the evidence. As a result, some people might feel that the evidence is sufficient to make belief in the Christian God reasonable even if they do not feel it is sufficient to require belief.

For such people, Pascal’s revised version of the Wager might be appropriate. In this case the argument could tell you: As long as you feel that the evidence makes it reasonable to believe in the Christian God, let your best interests tell you to go ahead and make the leap of faith to becoming a believer.

This corresponds to the way things are, anyway. While Catholic theology holds that it is possible (for at least some people) to prove with certainty the existence of a God by natural reason, it is different when showing that this God is the God of the Bible. Miracles and fulfilled prophecy provide motives of credibility to believe in the God of the Bible, but there remains a gap that must be bridged by a leap of faith.

The Hypocritical Believer Objection

Some have objected that God wouldn’t want people to believe in him just because they want to go to heaven. That would make them hypocrites. Several replies are in order:

    1. Then why did the apostles go about telling people to believe in order to gain salvation? Self-interest is clearly presented as a motive for belief in the apostolic message. It’s okay to believe in order to be saved.
    2. Pascal isn’t encouraging hypocrites who merely go through the motions of the Christian life. He’s urging people to really and sincerely become believers in God.
    3. Our greatest good is to be united with God by the beatific vision, which is the essence of heaven. Seeking our greatest good thus consists in seeking union with God. There is no separating the two.

The “I Can’t Control My Beliefs” Objection

The hypocritical believer objection seems to be motivated by the fact that often our beliefs don’t seem fully under our control. That is what prompts the image of someone merely going through the motions of the Christian life without really committing to belief in God. What may one make of the objection that for many it does not seem possible to control our beliefs?

Pascal anticipates this objection when he writes, “You would like to cure yourself of unbelief and ask the remedy for it. Learn of those who have been bound [in unbelief] like you and who now stake all their possessions [on God’s existence]. These are people who know the way which you would follow and who are cured of an ill of which you would be cured. Follow the way by which they began; by acting as if they believed, taking the holy water, having Masses said, etc. Even this will naturally make you believe, and deaden your acuteness.”

For those who find an emotional barrier to belief in God, Pascal recommends doing things that will overcome this barrier: Act on the assumption that God exists and strive to live the Christian life as sincerely as one can. Eventually the emotional barrier may melt, and you may realize that you really do believe in God.

The Cost of the Christian Life

Of course, many don’t want to live the Christian life because of the cost—like giving up the pleasures of being a dissolute French gambler.

Pascal anticipates this and has two responses. First, he points out that these costs are nothing compared to what you stand to gain. Even if there is a tiny, finite cost in this life (or even if it costs you this life as a whole), that is still nothing compared to the infinite life of bliss you stand to gain.

Second, Pascal argues that you aren’t really losing anything. Even in this life what you will gain by being a Christian outweighs the self-restraint you must show, leaving you better off even if there were no heaven.

He writes, “Now, what harm will befall you in taking this side? You will be faithful, humble, grateful, generous, a sincere friend, truthful. Certainly you will not have those poisonous pleasures, glory and luxury; but will you not have others? I will tell you that you will thereby gain in this life, and that, at each step you take on this road, you will see so great certainty of gain, so much nothingness in what you risk, that you will at last recognize that you have wagered for something certain and infinite, for which you have given nothing.”

Jesus Without the Gospels

The four Gospels are our primary sources of information about Jesus Christ, and thus they are prime targets for skeptics. Those who want to discredit the Christian faith must in some way cast doubt on the Gospels and what they tell us about Jesus.

They use various strategies. Some point out that the Gospels record Jesus performing miracles, which don’t fit with a materialist worldview. However, many don’t employ such naked anti-supernaturalism—which stems from a philosophical position rather than from arguments based on historical evidence.

Many try to undermine the Gospels by trying to distance them from the events they record. Common strategies involve claims that they were written (a) late, (b) not by eyewitnesses, or (c) by people we don’t know.

There are problems with each of these claims (see “Appreciating the Gospels”), but for the sake of argument—as a thought experiment—let’s take the Gospels completely off the table. Suppose that they had never been written. What would we still know about Jesus?

The primary sources of evidence we would be left with would be the rest of the New Testament: Acts and the letters of Paul and other authors, including the book of Revelation (which is also a letter). Just to be generous, though, let’s remove Acts as well, since it’s the sequel to one of the Gospels and is a historical work that repeats a lot of information from Luke.

 

Appreciating the Gospels

The arguments that the Gospels are unreliable based on when and who they were written by are unpersuasive.

In the first place, when a book was written does not tell you much about its accuracy. A competent historian can write quality work about any period in time that he has studied. It’s more about how he handles his sources than how distant in time he is.

Historians today write about events decades, centuries, and even millennia ago, but we don’t simply dismiss them.

Roman historians like Suetonius, Tacitus, and Cassius Dio wrote about events as far before their day as Jesus was before the Gospels, but their works are taken seriously as sources.

And the Gospels weren’t written that late. On the late dating of the Gospels, they were written between thirty and eighty years after Jesus and within a generation.

In actuality, the gospels were likely written in the 50s and 60s—between twenty and thirty years after Jesus and easily within living memory.

We also know who was behind them. As German scholar Martin Hengel pointed out, the Gospels needed names as soon as more than one was in circulation. The names Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John were thus attached to them as soon as they started appearing.

Finally, whether someone is an eyewitness has little to do with whether one can write a competent biography. Many biographies are written today about historical figures—from Alexander the Great to Abraham Lincoln—whose authors could not possibly have been eyewitnesses. Again, it’s about how a biographer handles his sources.

In the case of the Gospels, two (Matthew and John) are attributed to eyewitnesses and two (Mark and Luke) are written by men who knew eyewitnesses.

 

History Without Historical Works

By removing the Gospels and Acts from the discussion, we’re depriving ourselves of the historical books that the New Testament contains—that is, the books written to chronicle early Christian history.

But it’s entirely possible to learn about history from other sorts of documents. For example, scholars can learn about what happened during the Civil War by reading the letters people wrote to each other at the time.

Some time ago, I started a project of reading the letters of the New Testament to see what could be learned about Christ and early Christian history just from them.

That project is large and ongoing, but even a brief look at the New Testament letters reveals that we’d still know quite a bit about Jesus and the early Church even if the Gospels had not been penned.

 

Paul and the Historical Jesus

Sometimes skeptics who dismiss the Gospels state that Paul’s letters are actually the earliest Christian documents we have, implying that they should be more historically reliable.

This is misleading, as the evidence indicates the Gospels and Paul’s letters were written during the same period—the A.D. 50s and 60s—but it is true that at least some of Paul’s letters were likely written before the Gospels.

In particular, Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, and Galatians were, and even the most skeptical acknowledge that these were written by Paul. (Also, none of these might be the earliest document in the New Testament. The letter of James could be.)

The historical value of Paul’s letters is sometimes dismissed by saying that he isn’t very interested in the historical Jesus, meaning that he doesn’t tell extended stories about Jesus or regularly quote his sayings.

This is sometimes coupled with a distinction between “the Jesus of history” and “the Christ of faith.” The former refers to the historical observable facts about Jesus (e.g., he lived in first century Palestine—something anyone alive at the time could have seen), while the latter deals with his significance for religious belief (e.g., he is the Son of God and Savior of mankind—things that are matters of faith).

While Paul is obviously concerned about Jesus’ religious significance, what would he make of the claim that he isn’t interested in the historical Jesus? Given his fiery temper, he’d blow his stack. Paul is emphatic about the importance of the historical figure of Jesus and the events connected with his life, death, and resurrection.

He tells the Corinthians: “Jews demand signs and Greeks seek wisdom, but we preach Christ crucified. When I came to you, brethren, I did not come proclaiming to you the testimony of God in lofty words or wisdom. For I decided to know nothing among you except Jesus Christ and him crucified” (1 Cor. 1:22-23; 2:1-2).

Paul thus considers knowledge of the historical Jesus absolutely crucial, and he made it the central theme of his in-person preaching. It was the first thing he wanted his converts to know about and the foundation of everything else.

His letters take a different approach because they are written to people who already know about Jesus. He’s not writing to people who have never heard the gospel but to those who have already been converted.

Still, there is a lot of information about Jesus in his letters. In the passage we just quoted from 1 Corinthians, we learn (1) that there was a man named Jesus, (2) who is regarded as the Christ, or Jewish Messiah, and who (3) was crucified.

 

Jesus’ Family

Since Jesus was regarded as the Jewish Messiah, it’s unsurprising that Paul indicates (4) he was an Israelite (Rom. 9:4-5) and (5) was “descended from David according to the flesh” (Rom. 1:3).

The fact Paul adds “according to the flesh” suggests that there was something more than simply human about Jesus, and when Paul oddly notes the Jesus was “born of woman” (Gal. 4:4)—with no mention of a human father—it suggests (6) that there may have been something unusual about his birth.

Jesus also had other family members, (7) who are referred to as “the brethren of the Lord” (1 Cor. 9:5), and (8) one of them was named James (Gal. 1:19).

 

Jesus’ Ministry

As an adult, (9) Jesus began a ministry. “Christ became a servant to the circumcised to show God’s truthfulness, in order to confirm the promises given to the patriarchs” (Rom. 15:8)

As part of this ministry, (10) Jesus taught on various subjects. One teaching was (11) a prohibition on divorce. “To the married I give charge, not I but the Lord, that the wife should not separate from her husband . . . and that the husband should not divorce his wife” (1 Cor. 7:10-11)

Jesus also taught (12) that “The Lord commanded that those who proclaim the gospel should get their living by the gospel” (1 Cor. 9:14). Paul later gives a direct quotation of Jesus on this point: “The laborer deserves his wages.” (1 Tim. 5:18), which is a quotation of Luke 10:7.

Without using direct quotations, Paul also cites other teachings of Jesus that we know from the Gospels, including love being the fulfillment of the law (Rom. 13:8), blessing those who persecute you (Rom. 13:14), and not judging others (Rom. 14:4).

To spread his teachings, (13) Jesus was associated with a group of men known as apostles (1 Cor. 15:7), and in particular (14) with a group known as “the Twelve” (1 Cor. 15:5b). One member was a notable man (15) known as Cephas—or, to use this name’s Greek equivalent, Peter (1 Cor. 15:5a, Gal. 1:18-19, 2:9).

 

Conflict over Jesus

Jesus’ ministry did not please everyone, and (16) some opposed him (Rom. 15:3). Apparently, these included some of Jesus’ own countrymen, who Paul says “killed both the Lord Jesus and the prophets” (1 Thess. 2:15). So, (17) Jewish individuals somehow caused the Romans to crucify Jesus.

Crucifixion was a punishment that Romans inflicted on certain criminals, provided that they were not Roman citizens. We can thus infer (18) that Jesus was regarded by the Romans as a criminal—which would not be at all surprising if he was publicly regarded as the Messiah, who was expected by Jews to throw off Roman rule, and who thus would be regarded by the Roman authorities as a rebel king.

We also can infer (19) that Jesus—unlike Paul—was a Jew who was not a Roman citizen.

How did Jesus get into trouble with the Roman authorities? Does Paul give us any information about how that happened?

He says, “I received from the Lord what I also delivered to you, that the Lord Jesus on the night when he was betrayed took bread, and when he had given thanks, he broke it, and said, ‘This is my body which is for you. Do this in remembrance of me.’ In the same way also the chalice, after supper, saying, ‘This chalice is the new covenant in my blood. Do this, as often as you drink it, in remembrance of me’” (1 Cor. 10:23-25).

So, (20) there was a night on which Jesus was betrayed to the authorities (presumably by someone close to him), and (21) on that night he participated in an important supper where a group of his disciples were present.

He then (22) took bread and wine and declared them to be his body and blood (notice that we have direct quotations from Jesus here). He also (23) claimed to institute the new covenant prophesied by Jeremiah (Jer. 31:31-33) and (24) instructed his followers to perform this ceremony in remembrance of him.

 

Jesus’ Death, Resurrection, and Ascension

After being turned over to the authorities, (25) Jesus was taken before the Roman governor, for Paul refers to “Christ Jesus who in his testimony before Pontius Pilate made the good confession” (1 Tim. 6:15). This tells us that Jesus’ crucifixion happened between A.D. 26 and 36, which was the period during which Pilate was the governor of Judaea.

Paul indicates that, after his encounter with Pilate, “Christ died for our sins in accordance with the Scriptures, that he was buried, that he was raised on the third day” (1 Cor. 15:3-4).

Jesus was not only crucified but also (26) died, (27) was buried, and (28) raised back to life (cf. Rom. 6:4).

He was then (29) seen alive by his disciples. “He appeared to Cephas, then to the Twelve. Then he appeared to more than five hundred brethren at one time, most of whom are still alive, though some have fallen asleep. Then he appeared to James, then to all the apostles” (1 Cor. 15:5-7).

Following this, (30) Jesus ascended into heaven (Eph. 4:8-10), and (31) he is currently in heaven (Rom. 10:6).

 

The Christ of Faith

At this point we pass from the realm of what could be observed by a person present at these historical events, but Paul is not done telling us about Jesus.

He indicates that (32) Jesus is the Son of God (Rom. 1:3). While this term can be applied to righteous men, Paul indicates that (33) it was true of Jesus in a unique sense (Rom. 8:29).

Paul indicates that (34) Jesus was present at and active in the creation of the world, “for in him all things were created, in heaven and on earth, visible and invisible, whether thrones or dominions or principalities or authorities—all things were created through him and for him” (Col. 1:16).

Christ died on the cross (35) so that we could be saved from our sins. “While we were yet sinners Christ died for us. Since, therefore, we are now justified by his blood, much more shall we be saved by him from the wrath of God” (Rom. 5:8-9).

While Jesus is currently in heaven, (36) he will return from there (1 Thess. 4:16), and (37) the dead will be raised back to life (1 Thess. 4:17). At this point, (38) Christ will judge the living and the dead. “For we must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ, so that each one may receive good or evil, according to what he has done in the body” (2 Cor. 5:10).

 

Conclusion

All of the points that we’ve covered are found in the four Gospels. From what we’ve seen, it is possible to reconstruct basically the entire Gospel message just from the letters of Paul.

And this is when Paul isn’t even trying to give us a lesson in the life of Christ! Imagine how much more of the Gospel story we would hear if we were listening to Paul’s introductory preaching to his converts!

Nor are we limited to Paul’s letters. We haven’t even considered the rest of the New Testament letters (including Revelation).

These also contain multiple facts about both the historical Jesus and the Christ of faith. To cite just one example, Peter reports what happened on the Mount of Transfiguration (2 Pet. 1:16-18)

It’s also worth noting that Paul is not unique in his presentation of the Gospel facts. They were widely agreed upon, including by those who knew Jesus personally, such as Peter and James.

Paul is emphatic that his presentation of the gospel must be accepted (Gal. 1:8-9), and he indicates that the leaders of the Jerusalem church agreed with him.

“When they perceived the grace that was given to me, James and Cephas and John, who were reputed to be pillars, gave to me and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship, that we should go to the Gentiles and they to the circumcised” (Gal. 2:9; cf. 2:1).

While the Gospels are precious and irreplaceable sources about Jesus and his life and teachings, the substance of the Christian faith itself—including the key facts about Jesus—would remain known to us today even if the Gospels had never been written.

Rather than dismissing the Gospels because they are not (quite) as early as some of the letters, we should see the letters as providing powerful confirmation of the message of the Gospels.

Taken together, the twenty-seven documents of the New Testament provide a dramatic and consistent picture of what the first Christians proclaimed about their Lord as both the Jesus of history and the Christ of faith.

 

Dates of the New Testament Documents

Below are dates proposed for the New Testament documents. The “late dating” figures are adapted from liberal scholar Raymond Brown’s An Introduction to the New Testament. The “reevaluated dating” figures are taken from my own work, The Bible Is a Catholic Book.

  Late Dating Reevaluated Dating
Matthew 80-90 c. 63
Mark 68-73 c. 55
Luke c. 85 59
John 80-110 c. 65
Acts c. 85 60
Romans 57-58 54-55
1 Corinthians 56-57 c. 53
2 Corinthians 57 54-55
Galatians 54-55 c. 50
Ephesians c. 65 or c. 95 58-60
Colossians 61-63 or c. 85 58-60
Philippians c. 56 58-60
1 Thessalonians 50-51 c. 50
2 Thessalonians c. 51-52 or c. 85 c. 50
1 Timothy c. 65 or c. 95 c. 65
2 Timothy 64-67 or 68-95 c. 66
Titus c. 65 or c. 95 c. 65
Philemon c. 55 58-60
Hebrews c. 65 or c. 85 c. 68
James c. 85-95 c. 48
1 Peter 60-63 or c. 80 c. 62-63
2 Peter c. 130 c. 64-65
1 John c. 100 c. 65
2 John c. 100 c. 65
3 John c. 101 c. 65
Jude c. 55 or c. 95 c. 64-65
Revelation 92-96 c. 68

 

Where Was Joseph’s Residence?

During the cross-examination period of my recent debate with Bart Ehrman, Bart asked me how I would reconcile the fact that Matthew 2 suggests Joseph had a residence in Bethlehem with the fact Luke 2 suggests he had a residence in Nazareth.

I responded by saying that I thought he had homes in both places—that Joseph likely was from Bethlehem but that he had moved away for work and settled in Nazareth.

You can watch the exchange here.

Bart replied, “That’s an interesting idea. I hadn’t thought of that.”

To his credit, Bart then began thinking through the idea seriously, wondering how a two residences theory would square with the fact that Joseph was from the working class and wondering whether he’d really have been able to afford two homes, which is a good question (see below).

I’ve thought that two residences is the obvious, straightforward answer for a long time, but since Bart had only 10 minutes to cross-examine me, I kept my answer brief, and I wasn’t able to go into all the reasons for my conclusion.

So, I thought I’d discuss the subject here.

 

The Evidence of Luke

The first thing to mention is that the “Joseph’s two residences” view is not based on a desire to harmonize Matthew and Luke.

It is something that Luke’s Gospel indicates, without any need to consult Matthew.

The first time we hear about Joseph in Luke, we read:

In the sixth month [of Elizabeth’s pregnancy] the angel Gabriel was sent from God to a city of Galilee named Nazareth, to a virgin betrothed to a man whose name was Joseph, of the house of David; and the virgin’s name was Mary (Luke 1:26-27).

People in any age—and this was certainly true in the first century—tend to live in the same area as the ones they are engaged to be married to (or are already legally married to), and so from this we would expect from this passage that Joseph was residing in Nazareth.

Doing an inductive, narrative reading of the Gospel of Luke, that should be the default expectation for the reader from this point forward: Joseph has a residence in Nazareth.

Later, we read:

In those days a decree went out from Caesar Augustus that all the world should be enrolled. . . . And all went to be enrolled, each to his own city (Luke 2:1, 3).

This corresponds to known Roman enrollment practices, which involved calling people back to the place of their legal residence.

I have discussed this matter further here, but—even in modern times—there are multiple practices based around one’s place of residence. If you want to comply with the law, you need to:

    • Pay taxes based on your place of legal residence
    • Vote based on your place of legal residence
    • Register for the draft based on your place of legal residence

Given the mobility of modern society and the massive communications networks we’ve set up (including the original one—the postal service), we now have the flexibility to do many of these things at a distance, but we’re still tied to our legal residences for various governmental functions and duties.

People in the ancient world did not have modern communications networks (not even a formal postal delivery service), and so they needed to appear at their places of legal residence on certain occasions.

Thus, in A.D. 104, the Roman governor of Egypt, Gaius Vibius Maximus, issued a decree in which he stated:

Since registration by household is imminent, it is necessary to notify all who for any reason are absent from their districts to return to their own homes that they may carry out the ordinary business of registration and continue faithfully the farming expected of them (lines 20–27; Adolf Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, 268).

Reading Luke inductively, the ancient reader would thus understand Luke to be saying in 2:3 that people who were away from their place of legal residence to be returning there for the enrollment required by Caesar. Every person had to return to “his own city.”

We then read:

And Joseph also went up from Galilee, from the city of Nazareth, to Judea, to the city of David, which is called Bethlehem, because he was of the house and lineage of David (Luke 2:4).

In context, the first century reader would infer that Joseph’s primary legal residence was in Bethlehem, and so he returned there. He had been away in Nazareth, where he was betrothed to Mary, but now he came back to comply with the enrollment requirement.

Luke also has an explanatory comment for why Joseph had a residence in Bethlehem: “because he was of the house and lineage of David.”

Given the importance of keeping land within tribes and families in Israelite culture (as well as maintaining legacy connections to prestigious ancestors like David), some Davidids still had residences in Bethlehem, and Joseph’s family was one of them.

We thus see that—reading Luke’s narrative one piece at a time—Joseph had two residences: one in Bethlehem (his legal one) and one in Nazareth.

Our initial conclusion that Joseph had a residence in Nazareth was an inference based on the fact he was betrothed of Mary of Nazareth, but later, Luke is explicit. After Jesus has been born and the customary birth rites have been performed, Luke says:

And when they had performed everything according to the law of the Lord, they returned into Galilee, to their own city, Nazareth (Luke 2:39).

So, Luke describes Bethlehem as Joseph’s “own city” (2:3-4) and Nazareth as Joseph and Mary’s “own city” (2:39).

Joseph thus had two residences, with stronger ties for legal/governmental purposes to Bethlehem, indicating it was his primary place of legal residence.

 

Why Nazareth?

Why had Joseph set up a secondary residence in Nazareth?

People may move away from home for a variety of reasons (e.g., to get away from difficult family members, to avoid trouble with law enforcement, to avoid oppressive political regimes), but both historically and today the most common reason is economic advantage. In other words, to find work.

Joseph thus may have left Bethlehem in order to make money, although it could have been for some other reason.

But why would he go to Nazareth?

The most likely explanation is because he already had family there. We know that there were other Davidids living there.

Luke confirms this later in the chapter, when discussing the finding of Jesus in the temple at age twelve:

Now his parents went to Jerusalem every year at the feast of the Passover. And when he was twelve years old, they went up according to custom; and when the feast was ended, as they were returning, the boy Jesus stayed behind in Jerusalem. His parents did not know it, but supposing him to be in the company they went a day’s journey, and they sought him among their kinsfolk and acquaintances (Luke 2:41-44)

This reveals that Joseph and Mary had relatives in Nazareth, with whom they traveled to Jerusalem annually for Passover, and relatives of the holy family continued to dwell in Nazareth for a considerable period of time afterward.

The extended family of Jesus—a group known as the Desposunoi (Greek, “the Master’s people”) after Jesus, the Master (Greek, despotês)—continued to be known in the early Church until at least the third century.

About A.D. 200, the early Christian writer Julius Africanus (who was born in Jerusalem and had lived in Emmaus) wrote that after Herod burned the public genealogical records:

A few of the careful, however, having obtained private records of their own, either by remembering the names or by getting them in some other way from the registers, pride themselves on preserving the memory of their noble extraction.

Among these are those already mentioned, called Desposyni, on account of their connection with the family of the Savior.

Coming from Nazareth and Kokhaba—villages of Judaea—into other parts of the world, they drew the aforesaid genealogy from memory and from the book of [Chronicles] as faithfully as possible (apud Eusebius, Church History 1:7:14).

So, in Africanus’s day, members of Jesus’ extended family were still living in Galilean villages like Nazareth and Kokhaba (which is about 10 miles from Nazareth).

Indeed, Davidides may have been prominent in these communities, as both of their names may reflect Messianic aspirations:

    • Although the etymology of Nazareth is uncertain, it is often thought to be derived from the Hebrew term netser (“branch”), in keeping with Isaiah’s prophecy: “There shall come forth a shoot from the stump of Jesse, and a branch shall grow out of his roots” (Isa. 1:11).
    • Kokhaba means “star,” in keeping with the prophecy “a star will go out from Jacob, and a scepter will rise from Israel” (Num. 24:17).

When people do move for work, they often move to where they have family, as relatives represent an already-existing social support network.

And so, there were likely migrations of Davidids between Bethlehem in the south and Nazareth and Kokhaba in the north.

Joseph thus likely went to Nazareth because he already had relatives there.

 

What About the “Inn”?

If Joseph had a legal residence in Bethlehem, why did he and Mary seek to stay in an “inn” when Jesus was born (Luke 2:7)?

Here we are confronted with a translation issue. Greek does have a specific term for what we would call an inn (pandocheion, used in Luke 10:34), but the term Luke uses in his infancy narrative—kataluma—has a broader range of meanings.

It can, for example, refer to a specific part of a house.

This can be seen from the fact that, later in the Gospel, Luke uses the same word to refer to the “upper room” or “guest room” where Jesus and the disciples eat the Last Supper:

[Jesus said:] And tell the householder, “The Teacher says to you, ‘Where is the guest room [kataluma], where I am to eat the Passover with my disciples?’” (Luke 22:11).

Paul H. Wright has more on the nature of a kataluma:

Most houses (be they of a commoner or a king) had a guestroom or lodging place (katalyma) where a traveler could pause to eat or sleep for a period of time. This is the word that is usually, though incorrectly, translated “inn” in Luke 2:7. When in the katalyma, the traveler received the hospitality and protection of the family who lived there (see Sir 14:25).

There were proper inns (pandocheion) at certain places along the network of roads in the Roman Empire, though only one is mentioned in the Gospels: the inn of the parable of the good Samaritan (Luke 10:34). That story reflects travel conditions that could be found on the road between Jerusalem and Jericho, a route essentially absent of houses and hence guestrooms.

The Mishnah (m. Yebamot 16:7) also mentions an inn on the road from Jerusalem to the Dead Sea, though likely from a later period. In any case, it seems as though proper inns were not a significant part of first century ad Judea, and that travelers who were fortunate enough not to overnight in the open typically stayed in a katalyma instead (Barry Beitzel, gen. ed., Lexham Geographic Commentary on the Gospels, 3).

Concerning the location of the kataluma within a house, Wright states:

Village houses of the first century ad were composed of a number of small rooms and open courtyards with no fixed floor plan per se. Styles of housing differed regionally (Galilee vs. Judea, for instance), but the functionality of space was rather consistent.

For instance, rooms that were more private in character (e.g., the place where the homeowner and his wife slept) tended to be toward the back of the housing compound, well out of view of visitors, while spaces for public activities such as wedding feasts or acts of hospitality were up front, closer to the street.

Some of the rooms and/or courtyards were reserved for the family’s animals (a donkey or two, perhaps, and the sheep and goats). Flocks and herds were brought into the household compound in times of danger or inclement weather, and their body heat slightly warmed the living spaces of its residents.

In villages built in the hill country, houses could easily have multiple stories, especially if the building was located on a slope. In this case, the room for the animals was typically in the lower story while the family lived above.

In any case, because the katalyma served guests rather than persons who were permanently attached to the household, it was likely a room close to the front of the house, near the street.

Traditional village homes throughout the Middle East today are arranged the same way, and a visitor will invariably find himself or herself hosted in a place within the household compound that is somewhat detached from rooms where the regular daily activity of the household takes place.

There was no room, we read, for Mary and Joseph in the katalyma of the house where they intended to stay in Bethlehem (Luke 2:7). All the protocols of hospitality operative in the ancient Near East suggest that this was the home of a relative, and it was blood ties that had brought Joseph (and Mary) to Bethlehem for the census in the first place (Luke 2:4) (ibid., 3-4).

As to why Mary gave birth outside the kataluma, Wright observes:

Why there was no room in the katalyma is a matter of speculation. Perhaps the homeowner was already using the space for other purposes. Perhaps other guests were already in town for the census.

Or perhaps this was simply not an appropriate place for someone to give birth, reading Luke 2:7 idiomatically, “there was no room there for that.”

This latter suggestion is supported by birthing practices that have been documented in traditional village homes in places such as Bethlehem prior to the introduction of hospitals in modern times.

At the moment of birth, the expectant mother would go to the room where animals were normally kept (the stable) to give birth, and only later was brought back up into the living spaces of the housing compound (ibid. 4-5).

This proposal has been made by other scholars, and I find it particularly likely. Childbirth involved the release of bodily fluids that produced ritual uncleanness (cf. Luke 2:22, Lev. 12:1-8).

In view of this, it is scarcely likely that a family would want their guestroom ritually polluted in this way, and it would be much more natural for a woman to give birth in a part of the dwelling not regularly used as a living space for humans—per the custom described above.

In any event, it would be most natural:

    • For Joseph and Mary to be staying in a home owned by family members in Bethlehem (possibly with Joseph as the legal owner)
    • For them to stay in the home’s kataluma since they were not usually living there, and the main rooms were being occupied by whichever relatives were the current householders (e.g., those Joseph had loaned the home to)
    • And for Mary to give birth outside the kataluma, either because it was too crowded by other enrollment visitors or because of the ritual uncleanness childbirth involved

 

The Issue of Ownership

Luke indicates Joseph had two places of residence—Bethlehem and Nazareth—but we haven’t fully addressed the issue of what property Joseph may have owned.

If the enrollment of Jesus’ birth was a tax census, it is possible that Joseph owned property in Bethlehem—either as sole owner or as part owner with other family members.

However, this may not have been the case if the enrollment was for other purposes (see this article).

It should be pointed out that there is more than one way a person may occupy a particular dwelling. Options include:

    • Squatting—i.e., occupying the dwelling illegally, against the will of the owner
    • Flopping—i.e., occupying the dwelling rent-free but with the permission of the owner
    • Renting—i.e., paying the owner for occupancy, either with money, goods, or labor
    • Owning—i.e., holding legal title to the dwelling, either as a result of purchasing or inheriting it

Theoretically, any of these options could have been the case with respect to Joseph’s residences in Bethlehem and Nazareth.

Squatting is not a common living arrangement, as it is discouraged both by property owners and the law. Also, we are told that Joseph was a righteous man (Matt. 1:19), and if he had relatives in both Bethlehem and Nazareth, there would be no need for him to squat. As a result, this is unlikely to be the arrangement applying to either of his residences.

However, given the presence of relatives in both places, a flopping and/or renting arrangement would be quite possible—particularly in Nazareth if Joseph had moved there relatively recently for work.

He might have found living space in a property owned by a relative and been allowed to live there either rent-free or by contributing what he could to the broader family finances (an arrangement common in many lower-class families historically).

It’s also possible that he had purchased a modest dwelling in Nazareth and was its legal owner.

Since his primary place of legal residence was in Bethlehem—as indicated by the need to go there for the enrollment—that would suggest greater legal ties to Bethlehem, and this would fit with him actually owning property there.

I have not been able to determine the extent to which first century Palestinian law recognized the concept of co-ownership, but if it did, Joseph may have been co-owner via inheritance of family property in Bethlehem.

If co-ownership was not practiced, Joseph may have inherited family property but still moved to Nazareth to find work, in which case it would be natural and culturally expected for him to allow other family members to have the use of the Bethlehem property while he was away (both out of family generosity and to avoid people squatting in it!).

 

Affording Two Dwellings?

It should be pointed out that moderns can have a distorted idea of the expense involved in owning two homes.

Today, most people do not pay for their homes outright. Instead, they take out mortgages, which require them to pay money to the lender on an ongoing basis for years or decades.

To own two homes today thus commonly involves doubling up expenses over an extended period of time.

However, this would not have been the case for Joseph, and especially not for the residence in Bethlehem. That would have been family property that Joseph inherited and that he paid nothing for.

Regardless of whether he was flopping with relatives, renting a home, or had bought a dwelling in Nazareth, the Bethlehem property would have been owned free and clear, and there would be no ongoing expenses for him when he was not using it.

There would be no electricity bills, no water bills, no trash collection bills—none of the auxiliary costs that typically accompany home ownership today, because none of these public services existed.

The one expense that could apply to Joseph’s Bethlehem property on an ongoing basis was taxes—the very thing that could require Joseph’s presence to pay them, since there was no secure way to send money in Roman Palestine.

And taxes may have been the very thing that brought about the trip to Bethlehem we read about in Luke.

 

My Own Experience

When thinking about this piece in preparation for writing it, it struck me how similar this scenario is to my own life experience.

I had the fortune to grow up in a middle-class family that came from Texas—where I was born—but my parents relocated to Arkansas when my father accepted a professorship at the University of Arkansas.

When I embarked on a career as an apologist, I had to move to find work. There were no Catholic apologetic ministries in Arkansas, and so I moved to California to work for Catholic Answers.

There thus was a period in which I was renting in California, but my legal place of residence was still in Arkansas—not unlike what may have been Joseph’s situation when he first came to Nazareth.

Later, when my parents passed on, my siblings and I inherited both family land in Texas and the home we grew up in in Arkansas. Under Texas and Arkansas inheritance laws, we became co-owners of both properties.

So, now I was living in California but also had property in two other states by inheritance. As a result, I did not have an ongoing mortgage to pay on either property, as they were already owned free and clear—just as would have been the case for Joseph’s property in Bethlehem.

Of special interest is what happened with our house in Arkansas. For a time, we used it as a rental property, but it was always understood (and openly discussed among us) that if any of us ever fell on hard times, we could use the house if needed.

When my sister’s husband changed jobs, my brother and I let her family use the house–free of charge–and eventually we sold it to my sister, keeping the property within the broader family.

This illustrates a situation that is not at all uncommon in our society, where a son—like myself or Joseph—strikes out on his own to make a life in a new place and establishes a residence there, while still inheriting property where the family was based.

This experience is not at all uncommon, and it does not require a middle-class background.

 

The Experiences of Others

In fact, anybody who moves for work needs a place to stay, and so even working-class people from economically underdeveloped regions maintain multiple residences.

I encountered an illustration of this a number of years ago when I went as a speaker on several apologetically themed cruises.

The housekeeping and wait staff on the ships came from places like Indonesia and the Philippines, and they spent much of the year away from their families in their home countries.

Naturally, they maintained a residence there, and they also maintained a secondary residence (including a mailing address) onboard the ship, which was included as part of the wages for their labor.

Here in Southern California, we have many migrant workers from Mexico and other Latin American countries, and they do the same thing: They often maintain a family home in their country of origin—to which they often send remittances from their earnings—and they have a secondary residence here in the U.S.

After my debate with Bart, I was contacted by an individual who reports the same occurring in East Africa, writing:

I conducted ethnographic research into “East African Perspectives of Family and Community” several years back.

There is a common trend that adults (more often men), have a “country home” and a “city home.”

The country home is the property that’s been in the family for many generations, and it’s often the residence of the current matriarch/patriarch of the whole (extended) family.

The working adult (again, most often the man) will live in the country home on weekends and during work breaks.

The “city home” is where the working adult lives during a stretch of working days (often Monday-Friday) since employment that supports them is rarely found around their ancestral familial estate. . . .

It’s certainly within the realm of possibility that the Holy Family had more than one home—and it is also certainly not a “luxury of the rich,” as in modern East Africa it’s actually the working class who have to live in two places in order to make a living.

It’s usually only the rich (and lower-poverty people) who only have one residence found within the cities—whether it be houses or slums.

Similarly, in the comments on my debate with Bart on YouTube, Bradley Kisia writes from Kenya:

Just a note about poor people having two homes… come to Africa.

People have a home they call home in the rural, then they maintain a residence in their place of work.

It is so normal that I’m kind of bewildered that those in the west would assume it is a preserve of the rich.

In Kenya, we have ushago (rural where our ancestry can be traced) and a home in Nairobi.

Our rural home is over 200 miles from where I grew up… It is where my father was born and my ancestors for about 500 years lived.

Also, a listener of Catholic Answers Live from Nigeria recently called in to confirm this. You can listen to the account here. (She also pointed out that people would identify themselves as coming from an ancestral location, even if they had not been raised there, though this doesn’t directly address the two-homes issue.)

So, having two places of residence is not at all uncommon. It tends to happen naturally with people who move for work—whether those people are me, seafarers, migrant workers who find employment in another country, or people whose families live in the countryside but who work in the city.

After all, no matter where you’ve gone to find work, you still need somewhere to sleep!

And so, this certainly would not be unexpected for someone from Bethlehem—like Joseph—who moved to Nazareth for work.

 

The Evidence of Matthew

Thus far, everything we’ve covered has been based on Luke’s description of the holy family.

This illustrates the fact that my proposal is not simply an effort to harmonize Luke with Matthew (not that there’s anything wrong with that).

Here at the end, though, we should look at what we find in Matthew.

In that Gospel, we first encounter a genealogy of Jesus (Matt. 1:1-17), after which we learn about the birth of Jesus (Matt. 1:18-25).

Matthew tells us about Joseph and Mary, but he does not indicate where they were living. It could have been Nazareth; it could have been Bethlehem; it could have been anywhere else. Matthew is simply silent on the matter.

Then, at the beginning of the account of the magi and the flight to Egypt (Matt. 2:1-18), we read:

Now when Jesus was born in Bethlehem of Judea in the days of Herod the king, behold, Wise Men from the East came to Jerusalem (Matt. 2:1).

This tells us that Jesus was born in Bethlehem, though not about anything before that time.

Matthew also records that the magi visited up to two years after Jesus was born, for:

Herod, when he saw that he had been tricked by the Wise Men, was in a furious rage, and he sent and killed all the male children in Bethlehem and in all that region who were two years old or under, according to the time which he had ascertained from the Wise Men (Matt. 2:16).

Being warned in a dream that this is to occur, Joseph takes the family to Egypt and stays there until Herod is dead (Matt. 2:13). When they return, we read:

But when [Joseph] heard that Archelaus reigned over Judea in place of his father Herod, he was afraid to go there, and being warned in a dream he withdrew to the district of Galilee. And he went and dwelt in a city called Nazareth (Matt. 2:22-23).

Matthew thus records how the holy family ended up in Nazareth—where we know on other grounds that Joseph had Davidid relatives—though Matthew is silent about whether they had been there before.

Some have suggested that the verb Matthew uses to describe Joseph dwelling in Nazareth (katoikeô) implies that Joseph settled there for the first time, never having lived there before, but this is not true. The verb simply does not mean “settled somewhere for the first time.”

According to the Brill Dictionary of Ancient Greek, katoikeô means things like “to make one’s dwelling,” “to inhabit,” “to settle,” “to dwell,” “to live,” etc.

And according to Bauer, Arndt, Danker, and Gingrich’s A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature (3rd ed.), it means “to live in a locality for any length of time, live, dwell, reside, settle (down)” and “to make something a habitation or dwelling by being there, inhabit.”

The verb doesn’t require anything more than Joseph living/dwelling/inhabiting/residing in Nazareth after he came back from Egypt.

Even if we were to opt for the translation “settle,” which could suggest that this was a long-term relocation after a substantial period spent elsewhere, that would be explained by the fact the family had just spent a substantial period in Egypt. It also would be explained if—as is quite possible—Joseph and Mary had relocated to Bethlehem and were living there on a regular basis before the flight to Egypt.

In no case does the verb tell us that they went to live in Nazareth for the first time. And, as noted, Matthew is silent about where they were before the birth of Jesus.

 

Integrating Luke and Matthew

We thus do not see any contradictions between Luke and Matthew. They select different facts for inclusion in their accounts, but as Bart acknowledged in the debate, selection differences are not contradictions.

We may integrate the data from the two accounts as follows:

    • Originally, Joseph was from Bethlehem but moved to Nazareth for work since there were relatives there.
    • Joseph thus had a residence in Nazareth, though we do not know whether he purchased it, rented it, or lived in it rent-free through the generosity of relatives.
    • Joseph still had a legal residence in Bethlehem, likely through inherited property.
    • When the enrollment occurred, he went to Bethlehem since it was his primary legal residence.
    • While there, Joseph and Mary stayed with relatives, perhaps in a house that Joseph owned but that was being occupied at the time by family members.
    • Either because the guest area (kataluma) was full or because it would ritually defile the guest area, Mary gave birth in a different part of the house.
    • After the customary rites of purification had been done a month later, the family returned to Nazareth.
    • Between one and two years later, the family was back in Bethlehem. This may have been for one of the annual pilgrimage feasts—Passover, Pentecost, and Tabernacles (Deut. 16:16)—which we are told the holy family kept (Luke 2:41), or it may have been because Joseph had relocated to Bethlehem on a more permanent basis.
    • After the visit of the magi, Joseph temporarily took the family to Egypt.
    • And when they returned, Joseph learned that Herod’s son Archelaus was ruling in Judea, so he went to Nazareth instead of Bethlehem.

Joseph may have originally planned to stop at Bethlehem to visit relatives there (as would be natural when passing through the area on the way to Nazareth). Or, if they had been living in Bethlehem on a regular basis before the flight to Egypt, he may have planned to resume their lives there.

Either way, once he learned about Archelaus, he cancelled the plan to go to Bethlehem and went to Nazareth, where it was safer. (Archelaus was a cruel ruler whose reign was terminated by the Romans in A.D. 6 for mismanagement, which is why there was a Roman governor—Pontius Pilate—in charge of the region during Jesus’ adult ministry.)

This scenario is based on facts from both Gospels, it does not contradict anything in either Gospel, and it is quite plausible given what happens when people move away from their family homes for work.

We thus do not find a contradiction between Matthew and Luke.

See here for more about how the Infancy Narratives fit together.

Zombies at the Crucifixion?

In public discussions of the historical reliability of the Gospels, Bart Ehrman frequently calls attention to the following passage from Matthew. It deals with supernatural signs that took place when Jesus died on the Cross:

And behold, the curtain of the temple was torn in two, from top to bottom; and the earth shook, and the rocks were split; the tombs also were opened, and many bodies of the saints who had fallen asleep were raised, and coming out of the tombs after his resurrection they went into the holy city and appeared to many (Matt. 27:51-53).

The part about saints being raised and coming out of their tombs is unique to Matthew. It is not in the other Gospels.

For centuries, readers have wanted to know more about this—like what happened to these saints afterward (did they return to their tombs? die again? ascend to heaven?).

But we are told nothing else in the Gospels and have no reliable, supplemental accounts in early Christian literature. In fact, the Church Fathers barely mention the subject.

There is a good bit to say about this passage, but here I want to focus on the use that Ehrman makes of it in debates.

Basically, he claims that this event is (a) strange and (b) not believable.

He will challenge his Christian debate partner and his audience on whether they really believe this happened.

And to make affirming its truthfulness less palatable, he will animatedly mock the idea of accepting it, speaking of the raised saints as “zombies.”

 

Zombies?

By characterizing these individuals as zombies, Ehrman conjures mental images from comic books, cartoons, and horror movies of shambling, decaying zombies shuffling around Jerusalem—which is a ridiculous image meant to make the hearer find believing in this incident less palatable.

It’s also a logical fallacy known as the prejudicial language fallacy or loaded language fallacy. The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy explains:

Loaded language is emotive terminology that expresses value judgments.

When used in what appears to be an objective description, the terminology unfortunately can cause the listener to adopt those values when in fact no good reason has been given for doing so.

That’s exactly what is happening here. Ehrman is using an emotionally loaded term—zombie—that is ostensibly an objective description of the raised saints, when in fact it is not.

He then relies on the emotionally laden term to get the listener to adopt his perspective on the passage when in fact no good reason has been given for doing so.

 

Not Zombies

To see why the term zombie is not an accurate description of the raised saints, we need to consider how the term is used.

For an extended discussion of the concept and history of zombies, you can listen to Episode 159 and Episode 160 of Jimmy Akin’s Mysterious World.

But to put the matter concisely, since the term zombie entered the English language, it has conventionally referred to a person who has died and then been returned to life in a damaged, sub-normal state of functioning.

In this sub-normal state, zombies typically move slowly, lack independent thought, can be used to perform slave labor, and may be physically rotting away—among having other horrifying characteristics.

However, this is not what the Bible envisions when it speaks of people being brought back to life.

Instead, they are envisioned either as returning to a healthy, normal state of human functioning or they are envisioned as returning to an improved, glorified state of functioning.

Conceptually, there are three general states of functioning one could return to:

    • An improved, glorified state—like Jesus and the blessed on the Last Day
    • A healthy, normal state—like Lazarus, Jairus’s daughter, and people who are revived after being clinically dead in hospitals
    • A damaged, sub-normal state—like Haitian zombies are supposed to be (see the Mysterious World episodes linked above)

It is only the last state that the term zombie applies to in standard English.

We do not call otherwise healthy people who have had their hearts restarted “zombies.”

And English certainly does not use the term to refer to people who come back in a glorified state.

It is only to those returning in an unhealthy, damaged state to which standard English applies the term, and this state is never discussed in the Bible.

As a result, Ehrman is fallaciously misusing the term in an attempt to generate emotional revulsion and/or mocking cynicism on the part of the audience.

In fact, Ehrman is deliberately misusing the biblical text, because Matthew does not invite us to imagine the raised saints as shuffling, horrific zombies.

The fact Matthew refers to them as saints who have been raised telegraphs to the reader that they should be regarded as good.

At a minimum, they would have been returned to normal functioning—like Lazarus and Jairus’s daughter—and they may have been returned to a glorified state—like Jesus and the blessed on the Last Day.

Indeed, these two positive states are the very ones Matthew expects his readers to envision, as they are the ones that apply to the passages in his own Gospel where the dead are raised.

Ehrman is simply abusing the biblical text in order to score rhetorical points.

 

No Good Reason

And this is simply a rhetorical move, because—per the loaded language fallacy—he has given us no good reason to disbelieve that this happened.

When functioning as a secular historian, Ehrman stresses that historians can’t pass judgment on miracles—on supernatural events that by their nature would go beyond the ordinary operation of history and thus go beyond the historian’s competence.

He thus denies having an anti-supernatural bias that affects his judgment.

But that is exactly what is happening in this case.

In discussions of this subject, Ehrman has appealed to “common sense” as reason to disbelieve that some of the dead were raised during the Crucifixion.

However, from a Christian perspective, “common sense” does not prevent one from believing in the resurrection of Jesus—or Lazarus—or Jairus’s daughter—or the blessed on the Last Day—or the saints who were raised during the Crucifixion.

These may be miracles, but that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t believe in them—unless you have decided that miracles are impossible and thus committed yourself to an anti-supernatural bias when reading accounts of them.

What Ehrman really means is that his own sensibilities—informed as they are by anti-supernatural bias—tell him that this couldn’t have happened, and he mistakes his own sensibilities for what is common.

But, in fact, most human beings—both in world history and today—do not share this view and regard the miraculous as a real possibility, however rare miracles may be.

Ehrman has thus given a person open to the miraculous no good reason to disbelieve in this miracle.

Instead, he has abused the biblical text by deliberately misrepresenting what Matthew asks us to imagine.

And he has abused the English language by misusing the term zombie in an attempt to score rhetorical points.

Where Bart and I Agree

Despite his reputation as a Gospel skeptic, Bart Ehrman holds that the Gospels do contain accurate information about Jesus, his life, and his teachings.

Speaking as a secular historian, Ehrman does not hold that any historical document can give us certainty about what happened, but he does hold that they can establish a probability—and sometimes a very high probability.

Here are some things Ehrman thinks the Gospels are probably right about, followed by a quotation documenting this in his own words.

The quotations are drawn principally from chapters 8 and 9 of his book Did Jesus Exist?

I don’t agree with the reasoning or interpretation that Bart gives in each of these quotations, but I do agree that the Gospels are right about the bulleted claims.

 

Gospel Claims:

  • Jesus existed
  • Jesus was a Jew
  • Jesus was a teacher
  • Jesus lived in the 1st century
  • Jesus lived in Roman Palestine
  • Jesus was crucified under Pontius Pilate

“We have seen that these sources are more than ample to establish that Jesus was a Jewish teacher of first-century Roman Palestine who was crucified under Pontius Pilate” (p. 268).

 

  • Jesus came from northern Palestine (Nazareth)
  • Jesus was an adult in the A.D. 20s
  • Jesus was connected with John the Baptist
  • Jesus later became a preacher and teacher to Jews in rural Galilee
  • Jesus preached about “the kingdom of God”
  • Jesus told parables
  • Jesus gathered disciples
  • Jesus developed a reputation for healings and exorcisms
  • Around A.D. 30, Jesus went to Jerusalem for Passover
  • During this trip, he aroused opposition among local Jewish leaders
  • The Jewish leaders in Jerusalem had him tried before Pontius Pilate
  • Pilate had Jesus crucified
  • Pilate had him crucified for calling himself “the king of the Jews”

“Everyone, except the mythicists, of course, agrees that Jesus was a Jew who came from northern Palestine (Nazareth) and lived as an adult in the 20s of the Common Era. He was at one point of his life a follower of John the Baptist and then became a preacher and teacher to the Jews in the rural areas of Galilee. He preached a message about the “kingdom of God” and did so by telling parables. He gathered disciples and developed a reputation for being able to heal the sick and cast out demons. At the very end of his life, probably around 30 CE, he made a trip to Jerusalem during a Passover feast and roused opposition among the local Jewish leaders, who arranged to have him put on trial before Pontius Pilate, who ordered him to be crucified for calling himself the king of the Jews” (Did Jesus Exist?, p. 269).

 

  • Jesus was baptized at the beginning of his public ministry
  • Jesus was baptized by John the Baptist

“There is little doubt how Jesus began his public ministry. He was baptized by John the Baptist. . . . The reason we have stories in which Jesus was baptized by John is that this is a historically reliable datum. He really was baptized by John, as attested in multiple independent sources” (p. 302).

 

  • John the Baptist preached an apocalyptic message of coming destruction and salvation

“John the Baptist is known to have preached an apocalyptic message of coming destruction and salvation” (pp. 302-303).

 

  • Jesus agreed with John the Baptist’s message

“Of all the options, he chose John the Baptist. This must mean that he agreed with the particular message John was proclaiming” (p. 303).

 

  • Jesus’ apocalyptic message focused on the kingdom of God

“Jesus’s apocalyptic message focused on the coming kingdom of God. The first words he is recorded as saying set the tone for much of his public proclamation: ‘The time has been fulfilled and the kingdom of God is near. Repent and believe the good news’” (Mark 1:15)” (p. 305).

 

  • Jesus said the kingdom would be brought about by “the Son of Man”—a cosmic judge

“This future kingdom would be brought by a cosmic judge whom Jesus called the Son of Man” (p. 305).

 

  • Jesus taught a coming reversal of fortunes—the exalted being humbled and the humble exalted

“One of Jesus’s characteristic teachings is that there will be a massive reversal of fortunes when the end comes. Those who are rich and powerful now will be humbled then; those who are lowly and oppressed now will then be exalted” (p. 307).

 

  • Jesus didn’t think you needed to scrupulously observe the Mosaic Law
  • Jesus did not interpret the Sabbath command the way Pharisees did

“Unlike certain Pharisees, Jesus did not think that what really mattered before God was the scrupulous observance of the laws in all their details. Going out of one’s way to avoid doing anything questionable on the Sabbath was of very little importance to him” (p. 310).

 

  • Jesus did not understand Temple worship and sacrifices the way Sadducees did

“Unlike some Sadducees, Jesus did not think that it was of the utmost importance to adhere strictly to the rules for worship in the Temple through the divinely ordained sacrifices” (p. 310).

 

  • Jesus did not think people should isolate themselves to maintain ritual purity

“Unlike some Essenes, he did not think that people should seek to maintain their own ritual purity in isolation from others in order to find God’s ultimate approval. As we will see in a moment, his reputation was tarnished among people like this, as he associated precisely with the impure” (p. 310).

 

  • Jesus believed the heart of the Mosaic Law was love of God and love of neighbor

“What did matter for Jesus—as for some other Jews from his time about whom we are less well informed (see, for example, Mark 12:32–34)—were the commandments of God that formed, in his opinion, the very heart of the Law. These were the commandments to love God above all else (as in Deuteronomy 4:4–6) and to love one’s neighbor as oneself (as in Leviticus 19:18)” (pp. 310-311).

 

  • Jesus believed the way to attain the kingdom was love of God and neighbor

“The way to attain the kingdom, for Jesus, was by following the heart of the Law, which was the requirement to love God above all else and to love other people as much as (or in the same way as) one loved oneself” (p. 311).

 

  • The Gospels preserve Jesus’ sayings in the Parable of the Sheep and the Goats

“The sayings of the passage [i.e., Matt. 25:31-46—the parable of the sheep and the goats] probably go back to Jesus” (p. 313).

 

  • Jesus was a moral teacher

“Jesus is often thought of as a great moral teacher, and I think that is right” (p. 313).

 

  • Jesus said the kingdom of God has already begun

“Jesus insisted that in a small way, the kingdom of God was already present, in the here and now. This does not contradict the view that it would come with the arrival of the Son of Man. It is instead an extension of Jesus’s teaching about the future kingdom” (p. 314).

 

  • Religious leaders mocked Jesus for hanging out with lowlifes rather than the pious

“Other religious leaders apparently mocked him for preferring the company of lowlifes to that of the pious and upright” (p. 317).

 

  • Jesus associated with tax collectors and sinners

“Unlike other religious leaders—say, from among the Pharisees, Sadducees, or Essenes—Jesus associated with such people [i.e., tax collectors and sinners]” (p. 317).

 

  • Jesus had an inner circle of 12 disciples
  • Jesus handpicked the 12

“One group that Jesus associated with in particular was the “twelve,” an inner circle of disciples who were evidently handpicked by Jesus. The existence of this group of twelve is extremely well attested in our early sources” (p. 318).

 

  • Jesus told the 12 they would sit on 12 thrones, judging the 12 tribes of Israel

“There is one saying of Jesus involving the twelve that almost certainly passes the criterion of dissimilarity. This is the Q saying I mentioned earlier, given in Matthew as follows: ‘Truly I say to you, that you who have followed me, in the new world, when the Son of Man is sitting on the throne of his glory, you will be seated—even you—on twelve thrones ruling the twelve tribes of Israel’ (Matthew 19:28). That this saying probably goes back to Jesus himself is suggested by the fact that it is delivered to all twelve disciples, including, of course, Judas Iscariot” (p. 318).

 

  • Jesus privately taught the 12 he was the Messiah, the king of the coming kingdom

“What this means is that Jesus probably taught his closest followers that he would be the king of the coming kingdom of God. In other words, at least to those of his inner circle, Jesus appears to have proclaimed that he really was the future messiah, not in the sense that he would raise an army to drive out the Romans, but in the sense that when the Son of Man brought the kingdom to earth, he, Jesus, would be anointed its ruler” (p. 319).

 

  • Jesus had regular conflict with other Jewish teachers

“It is thoroughly attested throughout our early traditions that Jesus was in constant conflict with other Jewish teachers of his day” (p. 319).

 

  • Jesus had conflict with members of his own family
  • Jesus spoke of leaving one’s family for the sake of the kingdom

“Jesus appears to have opposed the idea of the family and to have been in conflict with members of his own family. This opposition to family, we will see, is rooted in Jesus’s apocalyptic proclamation. Jesus’s opposition to the family unit is made clear in his requirement that his followers leave home for the sake of the coming kingdom. Doing so would earn them a reward [see Mark 10:29-31]” (p. 320).

“By leaving their families high and dry, they almost certainly created enormous hardship, possibly even starvation. But it was worth it, in Jesus’s view. The kingdom demanded it. No family tie was more important than the kingdom; siblings, spouses, and children were of no importance in comparison” (p. 321).

 

  • Some members of Jesus’ family didn’t believe him during his public ministry

“[T]here are clear signs not only that Jesus’s family rejected his message during his public ministry” (p. 321).

 

  • Jesus predicted the destruction of the Temple

“In addition to being opposed to other Jewish leaders and to the institution of the family, Jesus is portrayed in our early traditions as being in severe opposition to one of the central institutions of Jewish religious life, the Temple in Jerusalem. Throughout our Gospel traditions we find multiple, independent declarations on the lips of Jesus that the Temple will be destroyed in a divine act of judgment” (p. 322).

“If, as seems likely, Jesus predicted the destruction of the Temple in the coming judgment, he may have overturned the tables and caused a ruckus as a kind of enacted parable of his apocalyptic message” (p. 327).

 

  • Jesus spent much of his preaching ministry in Galilee
  • At the end of his ministry, Jesus went to Jerusalem for Passover
  • There, he also proclaimed his message

“In the synoptic Gospels, Jesus spends his entire preaching ministry in Galilee, and then during the last week of his life he makes a pilgrimage to Jerusalem to celebrate the Passover feast. This is completely plausible, historically” (p. 325).

“After taking his message around the countryside of his homeland, Galilee, he came to Jerusalem, also to proclaim his message, as our Gospels agree in saying he did, once he arrived in the city” (p. 325).

 

  • Jesus caused a disturbance in the Temple

“But Jesus may well have caused a small disturbance there [the Temple], as is multiply attested (Mark and John) since this tradition coincides so well with his proclamations about the corruption of the Temple and its coming destruction” (p. 326).

 

  • Jesus objected to the money changing and selling animals in the Temple
  • Jesus reacted violently and overturned tables

“Jesus apparently took umbrage at the operation [of selling changing money and selling animals at the temple] and reacted violently to it” (p. 327).

“If, as seems likely, Jesus predicted the destruction of the Temple in the coming judgment, he may have overturned the tables and caused a ruckus as a kind of enacted parable of his apocalyptic message” (p. 327).

 

  • Jesus was betrayed to the Jewish authorities by one of his followers
  • This follower was Judas Iscariot
  • Jewish authorities handed Jesus over to Pilate
  • Pilate was in Jerusalem at the time
  • Pilate gave Jesus a brief trial
  • Pilate ordered Jesus crucified

“What we can say is that Jesus was probably betrayed to the Jewish authorities by one of his own followers; these authorities delivered him over to the Roman governor, Pilate, who was in town to keep the peace during the festival; after what was almost certainly a rather brief trial, Pilate ordered him crucified. All of these data make sense when seen in light of Jesus’s apocalyptic proclamation” (p. 327-328).

“There are solid reasons for thinking that Jesus really was betrayed by one of his own followers, Judas Iscariot” (p. 328).

 

  • Jesus came to Jerusalem a week before Passover

“The early accounts of Matthew, Mark, and Luke agree that Jesus came to Jerusalem a week before the Passover itself. This makes sense, as it was customary: one needed to go through certain rituals of purification before celebrating the festival, and that required attendance in the Temple a week in advance” (p. 328).

 

  • After the incident at the Temple, Jesus suspected his time was up

“It is not implausible, however, to think that Jesus suspected that his time was up. It does not take a revelation from God to realize what happens when one speaks out violently against the ruling authorities in this kind of inflammatory context, and there was a long history of Jewish prophets having met their demise for crossing the lines of civil discourse” (p. 328).

 

  • Jesus believed he was the king of the Jews
  • Jesus did not proclaim this openly

“What is very strange about the Gospel stories of Jesus’s death is that Pilate condemns him to crucifixion for calling himself the king of the Jews. This is multiply attested in all the traditions, and it passes the criterion of dissimilarity because this is not a title that, so far as we can tell, the early Christians ever used of Jesus. His followers called him the Son of God, the Son of Man, the Lord, the messiah, and lots of other things but not, in the New Testament at least, the king of the Jews. And so they would not have made that up as the charge against him, which means that it appears really to have been the crime” (p. 329).

“There I suggested that just as Jesus was the master of the twelve now, in this age, so too he would be their master then, in the age to come. That is to say, that he would be the future king of the coming kingdom. This is not something that he openly proclaimed, so far as we can tell. But it does appear to be what he taught his disciples” (pp. 329-330).

 

  • The Jewish authorities didn’t simply try Jesus by their own law
  • The Jewish authorities handed Jesus over to Pilate

“What is clear is that the Jewish authorities did not try Jesus according to Jewish law but instead handed him over to Pilate” (p. 330).

 

  • Jesus did not understand his kingship as a worldly, political one

“He was claiming an office that was not his to claim, and for him to assume the role of king he would first need to overthrow the Romans themselves. Jesus, of course, did not understand his kingship in this way” (pp. 330-331).

 

  • When asked if he was king of the Jews, he either answered ambiguously or in the affirmative

“Jesus could hardly deny that he was the king of the Jews. He thought he was. So he either refused to answer the charge or answered it in the affirmative” (p. 331).

 

  • Judas existed
  • Judas betrayed Jesus to the authorities
  • Judas died an untimely death
  • Judas’ death was connected to a field in Jerusalem

“I think there really was a Judas. I think that he really did betray Jesus to the authorities, and I think he probably came to some kind of untimely death that was somehow connected with a field in Jerusalem” (Unbelievable? podcast; source).

How Ancient Authors Wrote

Understanding the practices that ancient authors—including the authors of the Gospels—used when writing can clear away a great deal of confusion.

Taken from my book A Daily Defense:

 

Day 248: Truth versus Precision

Challenge: The Bible contains many passages that say something close to the truth but not quite accurate.

Defense: This confuses truth with precision.

Perhaps you’ve seen the Star Trek episode “Errand of Mercy,” where the following exchange occurs:

Kirk: What would you say the odds are on our getting out of here?

Spock: Difficult to be precise, Captain. I should say, approximately 7,824.7 to 1.

Kirk: Difficult to be precise? 7,824 to 1?

Spock: 7,824.7 to 1.

Kirk: That’s a pretty close approximation.

Spock: I endeavor to be accurate.

This illustrates the different levels of precision expected by humans and vulcans.

Something similar occurs when modern audiences read ancient texts. We live in an age in which things are rigorously measured and recorded. But the ancient world was very different. There were few and imprecise measuring tools, no audio or video recorders, and most people could not read or write.

Consequently, the ancients expected a lesser degree of precision than we do. They would have rolled their eyes at us the way we roll our eyes at Mr. Spock and his absurd overprecision.

This has implications for how we read the Bible. We can’t hold its authors to a higher level of precision than they were using. They expressed truths, but according to the level of precision expected in their day, not ours.

Statements of truth regularly involve approximation. When we say the speed of light is 186,000 miles per second or that pi is 3.14, we are expressing truths, but in an approximate manner. Approximation is so common scientists even speak of different “orders of approximation” they use in their work. At some point, it becomes foolish to try to be more precise, and this judgment must be made based on the situation in which we find ourselves.

We must thus respect the circumstances in which the biblical authors wrote and not expect more precision of them than their situation allowed. If we want to charge them with error then we need to show that they weren’t using the degree of precision expected in the ancient world.

Tip: For examples of how precision works in the Bible, see Day 258.

 

 

Day 258: Approximation in the Bible

Challenge: Why do you claim the biblical authors used a different level of precision than we do?

Defense: Approximations were more common because of the inability in the ancient world to accurately measure and record things (see Day 248).

We can show Scripture uses many forms of approximation, including:

(1) Numerical approximations: For example, a basin in Solomon’s temple is said to have a diameter of ten cubits and a circumference of thirty cubits (1 Kings 7:23; 2 Chron. 4:2), indicating the approximate value of π (pi) as 3 (see Day 197). Numerical approximations are also involved when we encounter stock numbers in Scripture (40, 120, and 1,000).

(2) Verbal approximations: Because the ancient world had no recording devices and few stenographers, ancient audiences didn’t expect written dialogue to be a verbatim transcript but an approximation of what was said. Reconstruction and paraphrase were normal. We see examples when Scripture presents parallel accounts of the same events and the biblical authors give dialogue in somewhat different form (e.g., in the Gospels).

(3) Descriptive approximations: Every time we describe an event, we must decide which details to include and omit. There is an inescapable element of approximation in every event description, and this applied to the biblical authors also. Consequently, one evangelist may mention that Jesus healed two men on an occasion, while another may streamline the account by mentioning only one (see Day 37). Similarly, one author may give a more detailed account by mentioning both the principals in an encounter and the agents they employed, while another may mention only the principals (see Day 124).

(4) Chronological approximations: Usually, the ancients did not keep detailed chronological records, and they had the liberty to record events either chronologically or nonchronologically, within the same general time frame (e.g., within the ministry of Christ; see Day 89).

(5) Literary approximations: We often convey truth using literary devices not meant to be taken literally (“We should roll out the red carpet for this visitor”), and so did the ancients (see Day 31). Symbolism and figures of speech like hyperbole are common in Scripture.

Approximations are intrinsic to human speech; we can’t avoid using them, and we use the same kinds as the ancients. We just use them differently.

 

Day 89: Chronology in the Gospels

Challenge: The Gospels sometimes record the events of Jesus’ ministry in different order and thus contradict each other.

Defense: These are not contradictions. Ancient authors had the liberty to record events chronologically or nonchronologically.

Even in our modern, time-obsessed world, biographers have liberty to arrange material in nonchronological ways. A biography of Abraham Lincoln might devote a chapter to his thoughts on slavery and race relations rather than breaking this material up and covering it repeatedly throughout a chronological account of his career. Similarly, Jesus’ ethical or prophetic teachings might be put together in single sections of a Gospel, as with the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. 5-7) and the Olivet Discourse (Matt. 24-25).

In the ancient world, people usually did not have day-by-day records of a person’s life. The memory of what a great man did persisted, but not precisely when he did things. Recording material in a nonchronological order was thus expected. This was true even of the most famous men in the world. See Suetonius’s The Lives of the Twelve Caesars, which records the words and deeds of the Caesars without a detailed chronology.

Ultimately, what a great man said and did was considered important, not precisely when the events happened. That’s why the former were remembered and the latter was not.

Jesus gave his teachings on many occasions, but without having a detailed chronology available, the evangelists sequenced them according to topical and literary considerations. The same was true of many individual deeds Jesus performed (e.g., healings).

This is not to say that the evangelists give us no chronological information. Some events obviously occurred before or after others. Thus his baptism (with which he inaugurated his ministry) is toward the beginning of the Gospels and the Crucifixion is at the end.

Sometimes chronological details were remembered, such as the fact Jesus performed a particular healing on the Sabbath (Mark 3:1-6), that John the Baptist’s ministry began in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar (Luke 3:1-3), or that certain events in Jesus’ life took place on major Jewish feasts (John 2:13, 6:4, 7:2, 10:22, 11:5). It is thus possible to glean chronological information from the Gospels.

 

Day 124: Who Did What in the Gospels?

Challenge: The Gospels contain error since they describe different people performing the same action. Matthew says a centurion approached Jesus about healing his servant, but Luke says Jewish elders did this for the centurion (Matt. 8:5-13; Luke 7:1-10). Similarly, Mark says James and John made a request, but Matthew says their mother made it (Mark 10:35-45; Matt. 20:20-28).

Defense: The biblical authors had liberty to describe events in terms of the principals or their agents.

More than one person can be involved in an action. The person on whose behalf the action is performed is known as the principal, while the person who actually does the action is known as the agent. Both today and in the ancient world, actions can be described as if the principal or the agent performed them.

During the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, newspapers might have reported, “American president Kennedy told Soviet premier Khrushchev to take his missiles out of Cuba.” In reality, Kennedy and Khrushchev (the principals) never spoke. Their exchanges were carried on through diplomatic intermediaries (their agents). Because the principals were the main actors, newspapers could speak as if the two directly engaged each other. The diplomatic intermediaries were secondary.

In Scripture, we read that Moses built the tabernacle (2 Chron. 1:3) and Solomon built the temple (1 Kings  6:1-38). In reality, both were leaders too lofty to do the labor themselves. They used workmen who acted on their behalf (Exod. 38:22-23; 1 Kings  7:13-45). Because Moses and Solomon were the principals, they are sometimes mentioned, while the workmen who were their agents may not be mentioned.

The evangelists had the same freedom choosing how to describe an incident. They could describe it in terms of the agents acting (as with Luke’s mention of the Jewish elders and Matthew’s mention of the apostles’ mother) or the principals acting (as with Matthew’s mention of the centurion and Mark’s mention of James and John).

When the evangelists chose the latter, the action of the agents may be said to be “telescoped” into the principals on whose behalf they acted. This literary technique is used in the Bible in more situations than we use it today, but it is not an error. It is a known literary device.

 

Day 37: One or Two in the Gospels?

Challenge: How can you trust the Gospels when they can’t even agree on details like whether Jesus exorcized one demoniac or two, healed one blind man or two, rode one animal or two, or had his Resurrection announced by one angel or two?

Defense: These incidents are not contradictions but reports mentioning different details.

It is true the Gospels sometimes report an incident and mention only a single demoniac (Mark 5:2; Luke 8:27), blind man (Mark 8:22-23, 10:46; Luke 18:35), animal (Mark 11:2; Luke 19:30; John 12:14), or angel (Matt. 28:2; Mark 16:5), while other reports mention two demoniacs (Matt. 8:28), blind men (Matt. 9:27, 20:30), animals (Matt. 21:2), or angels (Luke 24:4; John 20:12).

These are not contradictions, because in none of these cases does an evangelist say there was only one of the thing in question present. The evangelist may mention only one, but that leaves open the possibility—confirmed by one or more of the other evangelists—that there was more than one present.

It has often been noted that if several people witness a car accident, they will each observe and report different details when they recount it later. This phenomenon may be partly responsible for cases mentioned above. For example, if Matthew was an eyewitness to a particular event he may have remembered seeing two demoniacs, blind men, and so on, while noneyewitnesses like Mark and Luke were dependent on sources who may have mentioned only one.

There also may be another phenomenon at work: dramatic simplification. Because books then were fantastically expensive (a copy of the Gospel of Matthew could have cost the ancient equivalent of over $1,500), ancient authors worked under pressure to keep their books short. This could result in them presenting only an incident’s essentials, which could have the added benefit of making the story more focused and compelling.

If on a single occasion two people asked Jesus for a particular favor, like healing, or if two angels showed up to deliver a single message, the essence of the event could be communicated to the audience if only one was mentioned. After all, Jesus did grant a person’s request for healing, and an angel did show up to deliver a message. The mention of a similar companion in both cases was not essential.

Why Bart’s Wrong

When discussing the reliability of the Gospels, Bart Ehrman frequently states that certain passages contain contradictions or historical errors.

To help attendees and viewers of my recent debate with Bart, here are resources that go into more depth on the charges he commonly makes and how they can be understood.

First, though, here is a piece discussing facts that Bart believes the Gospels (probably) get right, as well as quotations documenting this.

POST-DEBATE UPDATE:

Where Was Joseph’s Residence?

Now for pieces responding to the charges Bart makes:

How Ancient Authors Wrote

The Enrollment of Jesus’ Birth

How the Infancy Narratives Fit Together

Who Was Jesus’ Grandfather?

Questions About Jesus’ Genealogies

An Older Article on Jesus’ Genealogies

Did Jesus Name the Wrong High Priest?

When Was Jesus Crucified? The Day of the Week and Passover

Zombies After the Crucifixion?

How the Resurrection Narratives Fit Together

The Fate of Judas Iscariot

 

 

 

Did Jesus Name the Wrong High Priest?

In Mark 2:23-28, we read:

One sabbath he was going through the grainfields; and as they made their way his disciples began to pluck heads of grain.

And the Pharisees said to him, “Look, why are they doing what is not lawful on the sabbath?”

And he said to them, “Have you never read what David did, when he was in need and was hungry, he and those who were with him: how he entered the house of God, when Abiathar was high priest, and ate the showbread, which it is not lawful for any but the priests to eat, and also gave it to those who were with him?”

And he said to them, “The sabbath was made for man, not man for the sabbath; so the Son of man is lord even of the sabbath.”

It has been charged that here Jesus names the wrong high priest—that it wasn’t Abiathar at the time of the event he refers to.

What should we make of this?

From my book Mark: A Commentary:

 

25–26. Jesus asks the Pharisees rhetorically whether they have read what King David did when he and his men were hungry. Have the Pharisees read “how he [David] entered the house of God, when Abiathar was high priest, and ate the bread of the Presence, which it is not lawful for any but the priests to eat, and also gave it to those who were with him?”

This event is recorded in 1 Samuel 21:1–6. At the time “the house of God” was the Tabernacle (aka “the Tent of Meeting”), since the Temple in Jerusalem had not yet been built.

“The bread of the Presence” was a set of loaves that were placed in the Tabernacle and, later, the Temple. The name comes from the fact that the loaves were set before God’s face (Hebrew, paneh), and so together they were the loaves set before the divine face or presence (Hebrew, lekhempaniym). These loaves were set in God’s presence (before his face, in his house); they did not convey God’s presence (transubstantiation being a mystery of the Christian era).

Mark’s statement that this was “when Abiathar was high priest” has attracted much attention, for David did not approach Abiathar in this narrative. 1 Samuel names the priest as Ahimelech, who was Abiathar’s father (1 Sam. 22:20). This has struck many as a mistake on Mark’s part.

It is noteworthy that neither Matthew nor Luke mentions Abiathar (cf. Matt. 12:3–5, Luke 6:3–4). This may provide a clue to the sequence in which the Gospels were written. Most scholars today hold that Mark wrote first, in which case Matthew and Luke eliminated the reference to Abiathar. Others hold that Mark was not the first writer, in which case he introduced the reference. The matter is not decisive as to Gospel sequence, but it could serve as one clue among others.

As to the claim that this is a mistake, there are various solutions. Some will be more attractive than others, depending on your views:

    • One solution is that this reference simply was not in the original Mark, for the reference is not found in some manuscripts.
    • Another is that there was a scribal error, for Abiathar was better known than Ahimelech. The latter is mentioned eighteen times in the Bible, but Abiathar is mentioned thirty-one times. A copyist may have accidentally recorded the name of the more famous priest.
    • A third solution is that, although Mark indicates that this was during Abiathar’s time, he doesn’t say that David approached Abiathar. Since Abiathar is referenced almost twice as frequently, Mark may have mentioned him as a more familiar figure with which to indicate the time period.
    • Further, this event certainly was during Abiathar’s time, since he appears at the beginning of the very next chapter, without an appreciable time passing, and seemingly as an adult (see 1 Sam. 22:20–22).

And there are yet other solutions.

Whatever may be the case, Jesus’ point in referring to the incident is that the Law must be understood in accord with the needs of the men it is meant to serve. When David and his men were hungry, they were able to eat bread that normally would not have been available to them under the Law of Moses. In the same way, when Jesus’ disciples are hungry, they are able to pluck the handfuls of grain they need to eat, whether or not this would be in accord with the letter of the Law of Moses.

While the Law is important, it is not to be taken as an absolute, divorced from the human context it is meant to serve.